Political factors in the fall of RolIs-Royce

Abstract. While economic and technological difficulties greatly reduced Rolls-Royce's viability, its passing into receivership can be adequately explained only by invoking additional (and largely political) factors. In the absence of any automatic criteria for aborting a losing project, the Conservative government of the day responded to an abundance of consistently negative politioal implications. Unfortunately for its continued survival, the Rolls-Royce development of an RB-211 engine for Lockheed was civilian, not military; prosaic, not meta-phoric; ostensibly private, not openly governmental; internationally fluctuating, not domestically controllable; a weak coalition, not a strong partnership; profit oriented, not ideologically based; and narrowly subsidized, not internally fund-able. The Conservative response was probably not unique; and a Labour government wodd Iikely have reacted to these implications in roughly the same way. It is to the circumambient political factors rather than to determinative economic considerations, however, that the decisions reached by either party would be primarily traceable. Sommaire. Des difficultés économiques et technologiques réduisirent de beau-coup la viabilité de Rolls-Royce, mais sa mise en faillité ne peut vraiment s'expIi-quer qu'en invoquant d'autres facteurs complémentaires, surtout politiques. En I'absence de tout critère automatique pour faire avorter un projet non rentable, le gouvernement conservateur du moment réagit à une multitude d'implications politiques, toutes négatives. Malheureusement pour Rolls-Royce, la création d'un moteur RB-211 pour Lockheed était une entreprise civile et non pas militaire; prosaïque et non pas métaphorique; manifestement privée et non pas ouverte-ment gouvernementale; sujette à des fluctuations internationales et non pas contrôlable à I'échelle nationale; dirigée par une coalition faible et non pas par une association forte; à buts lucratifs et non pas idéologiques; subventionnée de facon limitée et non pas financée de I'intérieur. La réaction des conservateurs n'a sans doute rien de très étonnant et un gouvernement travailliste aurait sans doute, en gros, réagi de la même façon à ces données. Ce sont à des facteurs politiques ambiants plutòt qu'à des considérations économiques déterminantes qu'il faudrait attribuer avant tout les décisions prises par l'un ou I'autre parti.     

Spiralling or Stabilising? The Compensation Culture and Our Propensity to Claim Damages for Personal Injury

The propensity of accident victims in England and Wales to claim compensation through the tort system has generally increased since the 1970s. Contrary to popular belief, however, it has remained relatively stable since 2000, if not since 1997/1998. The upward trend in claims abated, therefore, when no-win no-fee advertising achieved prominence. Whether this long-term increase in our propensity to claim supports the notion that a compensation culture has developed is largely a matter of interpretation. Our understanding of recent trends in our propensity to claim has clearly, however, been distorted through the media. This distorted legal consciousness may not only have affected our views of the tort system but may also have influenced our readiness to use it and thereby contributed to the stabilisation of accident claims in recent years.     

Parties and Partisanship: A 40-Year Retrospective

The study of political parties and voter partisanship has come full circle in 4 decades. During the 1960s and 1970s numerous scholars advanced the thesis of party decline, contending that party organizations had disintegrated, party influence in government had plummeted, and voter partisanship had eroded. The 1980s and 1990s saw a turnaround in scholarly judgments, however, as first party organizations, then party in government, and finally voter partisanship appeared to strengthen. This article reviews the evidence for the downs and ups of parties, suggesting that the evidence of party resurgence is more equivocal than often realized. The parties subfield currently lacks the theory and theoretical sensitivity that enables us to interpret ambiguous empirical evidence. This contrasts with the congressional subfield where the issues now confronting the parties subfield were recognized a decade ago.     

Privatization, Chinese-style: economic reform and the state-owned enterprises

This article reviews 'corporatization' and 'marketization', shorthands for privatization, in the Chinese economy. In particular it concentrates upon the most recent round of state-owned enterprise reforms, the Modern Enterprise System and Group Company System, aimed at transforming China's largest state-owned enterprises into internationally competitive corporations. This represents a partial privatization, given that the state will retain majority ownership, while acquiring domestic and foreign capital via sharelistings and foreign and domestic joint ventures.
Drawing upon interview material from a five-year study of state-owned enterprises, the authors will indicate that such part privatization has been pragmatic and relatively slow. It has been constrained and circumscribed by broader economic and social reform programmes and accompanied by political decentralization and reforms. Ultimately, the reform and pace of reform is shaped by the desire to avoid political and social unrest which could, potentially, threaten the harmony of the Chinese central state apparatus.     

An Eye for an Eye: Proportionality as a Moral Principle of Punishment

The lex talionis of the Old Testament has been widely perceived—understandably,but mistakenly—as a barbaric law of retribution in kind.It is better understood as a seminal expression of restraintand proportionality as moral principles of punishment. Thishas been recognized from the earliest times. Over the interveningcenturies, the lex talionis has lost neither its moral significancenor its penal relevance. This is reflected in H.L.A. Hart'ssynthesis of modern retributivist and utilitarian theories ofpunishment and, again, in contemporary Canadian law throughthe recognition of proportionality as the fundamental principleof sentencing under the Criminal Code. The tension between thisfundamental principle and Canada's increasing resort to mandatoryminimum sentences of imprisonment is examined briefly in thislight.     

Books in review

She is author of Equity and Gender,and Property Rights and Eminent Domainboth published by Transaction.