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211.
212.
Helen V. Tauchen Ann Dryden Witte Kurt J. Beron 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》1993,9(2):177-202
In this paper, we analyze the tax compliance behavior of U.S. taxpayers by using a 1979 data set that combines information from a random sample of individual tax returns, each of which has been thoroughly audited, IRS administrative records, and sociodemographic data from the Census. We find evidence that both audits and tax code provisions affect compliance. However, the effects are significant for only low-and high-income groups. Interestingly, work on the underground economy also suggests that it is these two groups that are least compliant. Our results for audits suggest that the ripple or general deterrent effect of audits may be substantially larger than the direct revenue yield of audits for high-income taxpayers. Our results for allowable subtractions from income imply that the 1986 Tax Reform Act changes that lowered allowable subtractions may have procompliance effects. 相似文献
213.
214.
215.
Life Skill Service Needs: Perspectives of Homeless Youth 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:1
The present study describes the service needs related to life skill development from the perspective of sheltered homeless youth. Qualitative semistructured life narrative interviews addressing the use of services at an emergency shelter were administered to 30 youth. All youth were residig in an emergency shelter located in a large metropolitan area at the time of interview. Youth identified factors that influence their ability to access and utilize services, categorized as service availability, factors serving as access and/or barriers to services and lack of available services. Youth identify service delivery approaches and staff characteristics as impacting service delivery. Services such as counseling and childcare were identified as facilitating development and acquisition of life skills. 相似文献
216.
We utilize a 1992 survey of approximately, 2500 AIDS activists to analyze their degree of participation. Activity levels were affected by several traditional predictors, but the inclusion of contextual measures indicating the activists' connection with AIDS, especially the pain and loss incurred, led to a much fuller and more complex explanatory model. We argue that a richer comprehension of political participation requires more studies of issue-specific activists and the specification of contexual features that serve to motivate more intensive degrees of participation. 相似文献
217.
With the arrival of another wave of “boat people” to Australian waters in late 2009, issues of human rights of asylum seekers and refugees once again became a major feature of the political landscape. Claims of “queue jumping” were made, particularly by some sections of the media, and they may seem populist, but they are also ironic, given the protracted efforts on the part of the federal government to stymie any orderly appeals process, largely through resort to “privative clauses”. Such clauses demonstrate the many ways in which human rights of those seeking asylum in far-off lands and are potential future immigrants, who often lack much-touted needed papers, yet who are for the most part genuine refugees, are subject to the slings and arrows of political fortune (and misfortune). Approaching the courts if treated unfairly or seeking a further decision as to your fate would seem one of the fundamental premises of human rights. Yet privative clauses—or attempts to ouster the jurisdiction of the courts and to insulate decisions from appeal—have become an increasingly frequent feature of the Australian migration legislation. With a seemingly watertight federal constitutional power set in stone since 1901, to deal with migration and aliens, and without the tempered contemporary update of a federal Bill of Rights, the Australian federal government has been able to narrow the grounds of judicial review in those contexts. We argue that the concerted efforts to deny such fundamental rights of appeal to those most in need of the full armoury of the protection of the law in a modern, affluent democracy, constitutes both a breach of their human rights and a breach of core constitutional principles such as separation of powers. Those principles may not be formally articulated in the text of the Australian Constitution, but in our view they are implicit in the constitutional arrangements, and hence we can conclude with the arguments of former Justice of the High Court of Australia, Michael Kirby, who asked—to whom does sovereignty truly belong? 相似文献
218.
This article continues the themes developed in a previous paper looking at reparations for past wrongs in post-colonial Australia.
It narrows the focus to examine the scope of the law of tort to provide reparations suffered as a result of colonisation and
dispossession, with particular emphasis on the assimilation policies whose legacy is now known emphatically, although it ought
not be exclusively, as the Stolen Generations. The search for more than just words is particularly topical in light of the
Australian Prime Minister’s formal apology in early 2008. This highly symbolic step must not lose momentum. That momentum
could be both political and legal. In the latter context, we explore here the concept of alien tort, in the light of current
Australian tort jurisprudence, which has thus far proved inadequate to achieve compensation for the harms suffered. Taking
a comparative approach, procedural and substantive developments are to better deliver justice consistent with community values.
In particular, the greater acceptance of psychological harm as actionable tortious conduct in Canada and the United States
is examined. The article further examines the scope for stolen children to bring suit under the US Alien Tort Claims Act 1789. While the Australian government enjoys sovereign immunity in the courts of the United States, non-state organisations such
as churches that were complicit in the forcible removals may be subject to United States jurisdiction wherever they have a
presence in that country. The procedural and substantive elements of such a claim are discussed. In particular, the relevant
cause of action, the issue of forum non conveniens and the statute of limitations will be analysed to map out whether a claim could be developed and successfully prosecuted. 相似文献
219.
Ann Meier Benjamin Swartz Hartmann Ryan Larson 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2018,47(6):1299-1316
Extracurricular activity participation is linked to positive development, but it is also a setting for inequality. Using a quarter century of data from Monitoring the Future (N?=?593,979; 51% female; 65% non-Hispanic white; 13% non-Hispanic black; 12% Hispanic; 4% non-Hispanic Asian/Pacific Islander; 7% other race), this article documents patterns and trends in school-based extracurricular participation by race, social class, gender, and age, and their links to academic and substance use outcomes. Findings reveal differences by race and confirm a division by social class that has worsened over time. Further, girls are gaining on boys and surpass them in some types of school-based activities. Participation is linked to better academic outcomes and less substance use, affirming the importance of redressing the inequalities revealed. 相似文献
220.
H. Luz McNaughton Reyes Vangie Ann Foshee May S. Chen Nisha C. Gottfredson Susan T. Ennett 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2018,47(11):2371-2383
Typological theoretical perspectives suggest that the consequences of involvement in peer and dating violence may depend on the particular pattern of violent behaviors that youth experience and/or engage in. Yet few studies have examined whether distinct patterns of dating and peer violence involvement differentially predict developmental outcomes. Using two waves of data, the current study examined the prospective associations between distinct patterns of peer and dating aggression and victimization, identified using latent class analysis, and a range of potential developmental outcomes in a general population sample of adolescents in the 8th to 10th grades (n?=?3068; 46% female, 58% White, 31% Black, 11% other race/ethnicity). The findings suggest that, compared to youth involved in other patterns of violence, youth involved in peer and dating violence as aggressors and victims are at greatest risk for negative sequelae, although results differed considerably for girls and boys and on the outcome variable and comparison groups being examined. 相似文献