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191.
Abstract

This paper estimates changes in the rates of return to human capital across the earnings distribution using data from over a 10-year period for Brazil. It uses these estimates to simulate the separate impacts of changes in returns to skills and changes in the supply of skills on earnings inequality. Evidence points strongly to growing inequality in rates of return to education in Brazil. This finding suggests that recent macroeconomic and trade reforms have been of most benefit to the skilled rather than the unskilled. Supporting evidence points to an improved competitiveness in the labour market, with workers increasingly rewarded for productivity. However, although increases in returns to education are more pronounced at the top of the earnings distribution, this did not in practice led to increased inequality. This is because levels of education and other labour market-rewarded endowments have increased and offset the rate of return effect. Appropriate education policy is therefore an essential partner for macroeconomic and trade reform if a developing economy is to avoid worsening income inequality.  相似文献   
192.
The main aim of the present study was to examine the psychometric properties of the Basic Empathy Scale (BES) and of its adapted short version among a forensic sample of incarcerated male juvenile offenders (N = 221). The Portuguese validations of the BES and its adapted short version demonstrated good psychometric properties, namely in terms of the two-factor structure, internal consistency, convergent validity, discriminant validity, and concurrent validity that generally justifies its use among this population. Statistically significant associations were found with callous–unemotional traits and social anxiety. Findings are discussed in terms of the use of the BES and its adapted short version with juvenile offenders.  相似文献   
193.
This work evaluates cocaine purity and the concentration ranges of adulterants and inorganic constituents for 31 street cocaine samples seized in two different regions of Brazil from July 2008 to May 2010. Cocaine and adulterants, such as caffeine, lidocaine and benzocaine, were quantified by Gas chromatography–mass spectrometry (GC–MS), and the inorganic constituents were determined by Inductively Coupled Plasma-Optical Emission Spectrometry (ICP-OES) and ion chromatography (IC). The cocaine concentrations in the samples seized in the Amazonas state (AM samples) ranged from 154 to 978 mg g? 1, and these samples did not contain any of the adulterants studied. The cocaine concentrations in the samples seized in the Minas Gerais state (MG samples) ranged from 63.9 to 753 mg g? 1. Caffeine was the main adulterant found in 76% of the MG samples, ranging in concentration from 5.5 to 645.3 mg g? 1. Lidocaine was found in 66.7% of the MG samples, with concentrations ranging from 16.3 to 576.7 mg g? 1. Benzocaine was found in only one MG sample, at a concentration of 84.8 mg g? 1. Fourteen elements were identified by ICP-OES, and a wide variation was observed in the concentrations of Ca, Mg, Na, P, Al, Fe, Mn and Zn. Pearson Product–moment Correlations between the analytes allowed the constituents to be associated with the chemicals used in the manufacturing of cocaine and with some common diluents. The study of the purity of cocaine and the presence and concentration of adulterants and inorganic constituents is important because the latter can have deleterious effects on health.  相似文献   
194.
The argument of this paper is that the new foreign policy orientation of Turkey under the AKP (Justice and Development Party) government is a constitutive component of a new nationalist project, constructed and carried out by the AKP over the last decade. The article expounds the ways in which the AKP has reformulated the notions of nation, national history, homeland and national interest and demonstrates the role foreign policy has played in this reformulation. Our point of departure will be the patterns we have observed in the statements and political practices of the AKP government and its officials, particularly the incumbent minister of foreign affairs Ahmet Davuto?lu, whose book, Strategic Depth, presents a more systematic explanation of the major principles and assertions of AKP nationalism and foreign policy. We will also argue that after the Gezi protests in June 2013 this new conception of nation and nationalism has faced with a deep crisis, which has also exacerbated the problem of pursuing an ambitious foreign policy strategy in international arena.  相似文献   
195.
Kemahlıoğlu  Özge  Sayarı  Sabri 《Public Choice》2017,171(1-2):187-206
Public Choice - While the nature of party switching is expected to have significant consequences for democratic representation, the current literature has not explored sufficiently the different...  相似文献   
196.
Frequency data of the nine STRs included in the AmpFlSTR Profiler Plus Kit were determined in a sample of 114 unrelated individuals from Murcia region (SE Spain).  相似文献   
197.
Population frequencies for the eight Y-STR loci included in the "minimal haplotype" from Y-STR Haplotype Reference Database (YHRD) plus other eight Y-STRs (DYS434, DYS435, DYS436, DYS437, DYS438, DYS439, GATA H4 and GATA A10) were obtained for a sample of 133 males from four main geographical areas in the Pyrenees (Spain): Vall D'Aran (Lérida), Cerdanya (Gerona), Alt Urgell (Lérida) and Jacetania (Huesca). Haplotype diversities were estimated in the four populations.  相似文献   
198.
Allele frequencies, together with some parameters of forensic interest, for 17 STRs included in the AmpF/STR Identifiler (CSF1PO, D2S1338, D3S1358, D5S818, D7S820, D8S1179, D13S317, D16S539, D18S51, D19S433, D21S11, FGA, TH01, TPO and VWA) and Powerplex 16 System (CSF1PO, D3S1358, D5S818, D7S820, D8S1179, D13S317, D16S539, D18S51, D21S11, FGA, Penta D, Penta E, TH01, TPO and VWA) were estimated from a sample of 135-144 unrelated individuals from Mozambique. No deviations from Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium were observed with the exception of the FGA locus (using the Bonferroni correction for the number of loci analysed, the departure observed at this locus was not significant). Comparative analyses between our population data and other African databases, namely Promega's African-Americans, AB Applied Biosystems African-Americans and two other population samples from Mozambique and Guiné Bissau, are presented and discussed. Genotype inconsistencies between both commercial kits (for D16S539 and D8S1179) and other genotypic variations (three-banded allele patterns for TPO) are also reported.  相似文献   
199.
In this work, we present sequencing data for 12 recently reported Y STR loci (DYS434, DYS435, DYS436, DYS437, DYS438, DYS439, GATA A10, GATA 7.1, GATA 7.2, GATA C4, GATA H4, GATA A4), as well as the PCR multiplex strategies we implemented for their detection.Sequenced allelic ladders were constructed and a nomenclature for these new systems is proposed based on the sequence structure and following ISFG recommendations.GATA A4 and DYS439 are likely the same STR. They have the same STR structure and the alleles are always the same in the same individuals.Sequence polymorphisms were observed in the GATA C4 and DYS437 STRs. The variation in DYS437 was associated with a specific population group and is very interesting not only for forensic genetics but also for anthropological studies.  相似文献   
200.
Abstract

This article discusses the basic patterns of voting behaviour in the most recent elections in Portugal. These elections were fought under one of the most profound economic crises in the country's four decades of democracy, after a bailout agreement with the EU and the IMF, and under an unusually high level of campaign polarization around the issues of economic austerity and liberalization. First, the article examines whether this context ended up being favourable to “performance” voting or, instead, to an enhanced importance of position issues, particularly those related to the role of the state in the economy and welfare provision. Second, it examines how the context of the Great Recession and the European sovereign debt crisis created opportunities for incumbents to use blame-shifting and blame-sharing strategies, and the extent to which voters' ambivalence about who to hold responsible for the sorry state of the economy was consequential for vote choices, either by directly affecting them or by moderating the relationship between economic perceptions and the vote.  相似文献   
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