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561.
562.
Neil McIntyre 《议会、议员及代表》2018,38(2):161-174
This article presents a Scottish case study of early modern ideas on parliamentary representation and popular political participation. By scrutinizing the context and content of a treatise published in 1669 by the lawyer James Stewart of Goodtrees, the article seeks to demonstrate that views had shifted on the nature of the Scottish Parliament. In addition, it is argued that the promulgation of Scotland's covenants – that is, the National Covenant (1638) and the Solemn League and Covenant (1643) – unwittingly created space for the development of popular political engagement. However, the implications of this were not fully realized until a group of middling and lower class men rose in arms to uphold the Covenants after their rescission in law by parliamentary statute in 1661. 相似文献
563.
Neil Gilbert 《Society》2016,53(4):391-397
Examining past experiences of student activism at Berkeley this article suggests that the present storm of political correctness sweeping American universities represents more than just another of the periodic crusades that have disrupted academic life over the years. The current wave of activism is different largely because the ever-present minorities of militant faculty and student activists have gained significant reinforcements in their struggle to transform the culture and mission of higher education. Over the last several decades federal regulations and funds have created an alternative bureaucracy within universities that is devoted, not to the core academic mission of teaching and research, but to improving the social climate of university life. The legitimacy and power of the social climate bureaucracy depend on heightening the perception that academic life involves a dangerous environment, from which students need protection – a service provided through creating safe spaces, helping students to recognize micro-aggressions, training them in sexual assault prevention, conducting sensitivity training for faculty and the like. Devoted to heightening this perception of the university campus as a hostile environment, the climate bureaucracy has become a source of institutionalized discontent. 相似文献
564.
Suchey–Brooks method has been studied many times with varying reports of accuracy and reliability. A systematic review and meta-analyses were utilized to quantitatively determine the accuracy and reliability of the Suchey–Brooks (S-B) method. A systematic search of PubMed and EBSCO health and medical databases was performed. Meta-analyses were performed to quantify the relationship between actual known age at death and the S-B method using Spearman's Rho and Pearson's r for (1) combined males and females estimates, (2) male-only estimates, and (3) female-only estimates. Overall correlation coefficient using Cohen's kappa, Spearman's Rho, and Pearson's r was also calculated to determine the interrater and intrarater reliability using the S-B method. Eighteen studies classified as moderate-to-high methodological quality met the inclusion criteria. The sample sizes were different for the combined male and female (n = 2620), male-only (n = 2602), and female-only (n = 1431) meta-analyses. The effect size of the age at death meta-analyses was large and significant for combined males and females (Spearman's Rho = 0.62; Pearson's r = 0.65), male-only (Spearman's Rho = 0.77; Pearson's r = 0.75), and female-only (Spearman's Rho = 0.71; Pearson's r = 0.71). The overall correlation coefficients of the interrater (Kappa = 0.76; Spearman's Rho = 0.73; Pearson's r = 0.80) and intrarater (Kappa = 0.81; Spearman's Rho = 0.91; Pearson's r = 0.83) reliability meta-analyses were large and significant. A significant degree of heterogeneity was present in all meta-analyses, with minimal evidence of publication bias. The meta-analyses results suggest the S-B method is highly reliable with a moderate-to-high degree of accuracy. Our results also identified sample size and accuracy differences between male and female individuals. 相似文献
565.
Neil Arya 《Peace Review》2019,31(2):178-189
From the time of Florence Nightingale, humanitarian health and aid workers have dedicated themselves to the welfare of patients outside of their own communities, nobly sacrificing their own safety, economic well being, mental health, and sometimes even life. They witness and deal with the human consequences of violent conflict and care for those that are directly affected by it. Dedicated humanitarian professionals such as Albert Schweitzer, Henri Dunant, founder of the Red Cross, and James Orbinski, representing Médecins sans Frontières (MSF), all accepted Nobel Peace Prizes for such work. The primary mission during natural and “human-made” disasters may be to assist persons in need, to shine a ray of hope, and to create humanitarian space, but health professionals in particular, are also potentially in influential positions to promote peace. With their direct involvement in healing they have a certain credibility with the global community, which can contribute to their influence as advocates for peace, whether through raising awareness of relevant issues with the general public or specific interest groups, or by influencing decision makers directly. 相似文献
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568.
Richard Johnston 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2017,27(1):97-109
ABSTRACTPublished polls in the 2013 British Columbia provincial election conspicuously failed. This paper uses the Vote Compass Voter Advice Applications to shed light on the prediction failure. At the same time, it considers whether the dynamics of expressed vote intention in the Compass can be deployed as a rolling cross-section – in particular, whether the dynamics of participant self-selection are driven by temporally differentiated bias. Analysis will include selection effects within the Compass, as participants choose whether or not to proceed beyond the “voter advice” component to the political perception and intention batteries. 相似文献
569.
The European Parliament (EP) has long been regarded as a positive force for environmental change in the EU, but there has been little detailed empirical scrutiny to determine whether its reputation as a green champion is deserved. Nor has there been any evaluation of the environmental impact of the increase in EP powers under co-decision. These oversights are rectified by an evaluation of the EP's amendments to environmental legislation using typologies that rank them in terms of their level of ecological commitment and importance. EP amendments proposed under three procedures of decision making are compared in order to determine whether recent increases in the EP's powers under the co-decision procedure have affected its ability and willingness to adopt 'green' amendments. It is clear that the EP has consistently tried to strengthen environmental legislation but there is some ambiguity as to whether co-decision has been good for the environment. 相似文献
570.
André Blais Elisabeth Gidengil Patrick Fournier Neil Nevitte Joanna Everitt Jiyoon Kim 《Electoral Studies》2010
We test two competing hypotheses about the impact of partisanship and information on people's political judgments and perceptions of facts using Canadians' reactions to a major scandal. Our findings with respect to subjective political judgments confirm the argument that partisan predispositions are crucial. But there is no evidence to support the argument that the polarizing effect of partisanship is most evident among the most informed. When it comes to perceptions of “objective” facts, the results are consistent with Zaller's reception axiom: the more informed people are, the more likely they are to correctly perceive objective facts. Partisanship does not appear to affect these perceptions. 相似文献