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This article analyses how minority populations govern and are governed in South Lebanon’s informal Palestinian settlements and the Serbian enclave in North Kosovo. Drawing on literature about hybrid political orders, it is argued that in both settings political parties play a linchpin role in local governance. Based on this finding, three key functions of political parties in the governance of minority populations in hybrid political orders are identified: representation, provision and brokerage. Understanding the interdependencies and trade-offs between these different roles contributes to remedying the analytical blind spot regarding the nature, positions and roles of political parties in hybrid political orders. 相似文献
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This study investigates the impact of a wide spectrum of Knowledge and Technology Transfer (KTT) activities (educational and
research activities, activities related with technical infrastructure, and consulting) on two innovation indicators (a) in
the framework of an innovation equation with variables for specific forms of KTT activities as additional determinants of
innovation, and (b) based on a matched-pairs analysis for several specific forms of KTT activities. The data used in the study
were collected by means of a survey of Swiss enterprises that took place at the beginning of 2005. We found that research
and educational activities improve the innovation performance of firms in terms of sales of considerably modified products,
research activities in addition also in terms of sales of new products. This could be shown by several methods: the innovation
equation approach with instrument variables for specific forms of KTT activities as well as two matching methods.
相似文献
Martin WoerterEmail: |
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The demographic composition of Kazakhstan after the fall of the Soviet Union presented a dilemma to the new Kazakhstani government: Should it advance a Kazakh identity as paramount, possibly alienating the large non-Kazakh population? Or should it advocate for a non-ethnicized national identity? How would those decisions be made in light of global norms of liberal multiculturalism? And, critically, would citizens respond to new frames of identity? This paper provides an empirical look at supraethnic identity-building in Kazakhstan – that is, at the development of a national identity that individuals place above or alongside their ethnic identification. We closely examine the Assembly of People of Kazakhstan to describe how Kazakhstani policies intersect with theories of nationalism and nation-building. We then use ordered probit models to analyze data from a 2014 survey to examine how citizens of Kazakhstan associate with a “Kazakhstani” supraethnic identity. Our findings suggest that despite the Assembly of People’s rhetoric, there are still significant barriers to citizen-level adoption of a supraethnic identity in Kazakhstan, particularly regarding language. However, many individuals do claim an association with Kazakhstani identity, especially those individuals who strongly value citizenship in the abstract. 相似文献
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A computable general equilibrium model for Mexico is constructed in which class conflict over the distribution of the surplus is the principal determinant of the terms of trade. The model consists of seven social classes and eight productive sectors. Classes are distinguished as ‘fundamental’ or ‘subsumed’ according to whether their incomes are primarily determined by conscious class struggle or by the resulting system of relative prices. Flexible prices are assumed to clear markets for which non‐produced means of production, such as agricultural land, limit supply while output in the remaining sectors is determined by the level of effective demand. For the latter sectors, two theories of price formation are compared and are seen to differ radically in their implicit conception of the nature of class conflict. A ‘Keynes‐Kalecki’ closure is considered in which prices are determined by a fixed mark‐up on costs. This enables capitalists to protect themselves from incursions on the rate of profit due to labour militancy or state‐imposed terms‐of‐trade policy designed to favour peasants andlor the agrarian bourgeoisie. A second, ‘Marx‐Sraffian’ price closure constrains the economy to a wage‐profit‐terms‐of‐trade surface; where the economy conjuncturally resides on this surface depends upon the level of effective demand, wages and terms‐of‐trade policy. Various policy scenarios are investigated under both closures. 相似文献
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Nora Fisher Onar 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3):411-430
This articles emanates from the observation that realms like theory and broad comparison have typically focused onWestern concerns and geography while actors such as China and Turkey have been relegated to the undervalued field of areas studies. Noting that this inhibits our ability to uncover important cross-regional comparisons, the author suggests that “former empires/rising powers” (FERPs) across (Eur)Asia are a promising unit of analysis. To make the case for the FERPs, the author embeds four cases—Turkey, Iran, Russia, and China—in a common problematique, showing that their encounter with Western hegemony/ modernity engendered three waves of confrontation vis-à-vis the legacies of empire. These confrontations entailed Eurocentric denial as well as Occidentalist reification of native pasts, both of which are being superseded by what the author calls “authenticist” histories empowered by the crystallization of multiple modernities. The author then develops a theoretical framework to capture how reinvented pasts serve as sources of identity, normativity, and action. This approach enables an in-depth account of the Turkish case to show that both official and market actors claim continuity with an Ottoman-Islamic heritage from which a homegrown humanism is said to emanate. These narratives—and the tools through which they are promoted from the cultural industries to public diplomacy—may be helping Turkey and other erstwhile (Eur)Asian empires recalibrate national identity and international purpose at a time of global transformation. 相似文献
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Nora Bensahel 《European Security》2013,22(2):52-72
This article argues that the Combined Joint Task Force has profoundly affected the European security architecture. The CJTF structure shifted the terms of the European security debate from whether NATO should have a role in the post‐Cold War world to how NATO should act in this new security environment. The CJTF therefore helped NATO to survive its post‐Cold War existential dilemma, and to emerge with the same level of cohesion and cooperation that it possessed during the Cold War. 相似文献