Rosemary west: Motives and meanings

Abstract

This article originally appeared in Trouble and Strife (Winter 1996/97, pp 44-52) and is reproduced, by kind permission of the original publishers, as Deborah Cameron's thought-provoking analysis of the Rosemary West case is felt to deserve a wider audience.

In the article, Deborah Cameron reports that feminists were mostly silent about the Rosemary West case in spite of having an analysis of sex crime, because female perpetrators of sexual murder seemingly did not fit that analysis. She argues, however, that female sexual murderers can be understood within a feminist framework. Identifying Rosemary West as one of only a handful of female sexual murderers, Cameron theorises that Rosemary and Fred West, like other sexual murderers, were constructing a form of identity based on sexual transgression and existential transcendence, perhaps as a strategy for dealing with their own history of abuse. What Cameron also provides us with is an explanation for why sexual murderers are overwhelmingly male, an analysis based on an understanding of the context of patriarchy.     

From peasant community to production co‐operative: An analysis of recent government policy in Peru

Discussions concerning rural development in Peru since the military coup of 1968 have focused mainly on the large‐scale land reform programme under which the coastal estates and many of the livestock and agricultural haciendas in the highlands have been expropriated [Petras and Rimensnyder, 1970, Quijano, 1971, and Hobsbawm, 1971]. This has tended to deflect interest from other important aspects of rural development policy. It would be wrong to assume that, prior to the latest reforms, the Peruvian scene consisted almost entirely of latifundia agriculture, for a substantial proportion of the productive agricultural land in both the highlands and coastal valleys was, and remains, in the control of smallholder farmers, or is held under communal ownership by peasant communities. In an attempt to incorporate these non‐hacienda zones into the plan for national development [Plan del Peru: 1971–1975], the government is encouraging the expansion of smallholder commercial production, the establishment of new, or the improvement of existing, marketing and servicing co‐operatives, and is promoting a re‐organisation of peasant communities with the long‐term objective of transforming them into modern production or multipurpose co‐operatives. This paper outlines recent legislation aimed at reforming these peasant communities and examines the social consequences of the new policy, particularly as it affects smallholder regions. We address ourselves mainly to two problems: Firstly, we wish to assess the effectiveness of the policy in transferring the benefits of community resources to the poorer strata of the rural population, a central aim of the reforms; and secondly, we want to isolate the factors which inhibit the emergence of viable modes of co‐operative organisation and which limit the role that community institutions can play in promoting local development. It is necessary in a paper of this length to confine ourselves mainly to an analysis of the situation in one district of the Mantaro Valley of Central Peru—that of Matahuasi—for which we have detailed data; although many of our conclusions, we believe, raise problems of general significance for interpreting the types of development strategies and priorities favoured by the present government.     

Muted criticism in Egypt (Part 2)

Egypt, the heart of the Arab world, is the dominant player in Arab‐Israeli and inter‐Arab affairs. Close scrutiny of political and intellectual trends in Egypt tells us much about these trends throughout the Arab world. Reporting from a country such as Egypt, which has an authoritarian form of government, presents problems for journalists and researchers. There is much criticism of the government, but it is muted, often lying just below the surface. One must try to discern the underlying political reality without seeming to criticize the government. Journalists who are considered pro‐Israel are viewed with suspicion. Journalists who ask probing questions may be classified as pro‐Israel. This study examines the complex fabric of Egyptian political reality through interviews with prominent intellectuals and government leaders. The interviews focus on crucial areas of foreign policy.     

Latin America's Left Turns: beyond good and bad

In rapid succession leftwing parties have been elected to government in some of the most important countries in the Latin American region. I challenge the view that there are two distinct variants of the left—one populist, the other social democratic—and argue that variation on the left reflects the diverse conditions under which these forces emerge and evolve. I outline common features shared by the left in Latin America; suggest how the concept of populism and analysis of social movements can help explain this variation; and show how the left's commitment to egalitarianism, balancing markets, and, in some cases, its appeals to the constituent power of the people enabled it to benefit from disillusionment with the results of neoliberalism, the poor performance of democratic governments in Latin America, and the evolving international context.     

An Economic Bridgehead: Weimar Germany's Attempt to Mediate Between Soviet Russia and the United States

Between 1919 and 1926 Weimar Germany pursued a foreign policy that sought to place Germany in a position to mediate between Soviet Russia and the United States. In particular, Berlin was eager to act as a mediator in the economic and commercial relations between these two powers. Germany hoped that such a policy would align it with two Powers that, like itself, were hostile to the Versailles order. Berlin also hoped that such a relationship would contribute to German postwar economic recovery and thereby to Berlin's re-emergence as a Great Power in the aftermath of its defeat in 1918. This policy culminated in 1925–1926 with Berlin's efforts to arrange for American financing of a 300 million Mark credit to the Soviet Union. Ultimately this and other efforts failed as result of Germany's own financial weakness, Washington's refusal to cooperate with Berlin's initiatives, and the nature of the Soviet economic system.     

Civil society and trust building in Cyprus

Civil society in Cyprus has a key role to play in creating spaces for dialogue and cooperation between the Turkish and Greek Cypriot communities. Recent research by the International NGO Training and Research Centre (INTRAC) has identified how these processes have contributed to trust and peacebuilding on the island, the challenges facing organisations engaged in this work, and how these were being addressed. It demonstrates that important steps are being taken by civil society organisations to overcome prejudices and break down barriers, and that by further developing links with local and international policymakers and institutions, civil society could be a stronger player in the peace process.

Renforcement de la société civile et de la confiance à Chypre

La société civile chypriote a un rôle clé à jouer dans la création d'espaces propices au dialogue et à la coopération entre les communautés turque et gréco-chypriote. Des recherches récemment menées par l'International Training and Research Centre (INTRAC) ont identifié la manière dont ces processus ont contribué au renforcement de la confiance et de la paix sur l'île, les défis auxquels sont confrontées les organisations actives dans ce travail, et la manière dont ces défis étaient relevés. Les résultats de ces recherches montrent que des mesures importantes sont prises par les organisations de la société civile pour venir à bout des préjugés et éradiquer les barrières, et qu'en mettant au point des liens avec des décideurs et des institutions internationaux, la société civile pourrait être un protagoniste plus puissant dans le processus de paix.

La sociedad civil y la construcción de confianza en Chipre

En Chipre, la sociedad civil desempeña un rol importante en la creación de espacios para el diálogo y en la cooperación entre las comunidades turca y griega chipriota. Investigaciones recientes, realizadas por el Centro Internacional para la Capacitación y la Investigación (intrac por sus siglas en inglés), han identificado cómo estos procesos han aportado confianza logrando construir paz en la isla, cuáles son los retos enfrentados por las organizaciones que participan en este trabajo, y cómo fueron abordados dichos retos. Asimismo, dichas investigaciones demuestran que las organizaciones de la sociedad civil han dado pasos importantes para superar prejuicios y barreras y que, al desarrollar relaciones adicionales con los formadores de políticas y con las instituciones, la sociedad civil podría convertirse en un actor más fuerte en el proceso de paz.

Sociedade civil e construção da confiança em Chipre

A sociedade civil em Chipre possui um papel-chave na criação de espaços para diálogo e cooperação entre as comunidades cipriotas turcas e gregas. Pesquisa recente do Centro de Treinamento e Pesquisa Internacional (INTRAC) identificou como estes processos têm contribuído para a construção da confiança e paz na ilha, os desafios que as organizações enfrentam neste trabalho e como eles estão sendo abordados. Ela demonstra que passos importantes estão sendo dados pelas organizações da sociedade civil para superar preconceitos e destruir barreiras e, ao desenvolver mais as ligações com formuladores de políticas locais e internacionais e com instituições, a sociedade civil pode ser um agente mais forte no processo de paz.     

The history of devolution of powers to local authorities in South Africa: The shifting sands of state control

Urban waste services in Portugal have historically been provided together with other services, such as the water services. Despite the lack of discussion on this subject in the literature, some questions have been raised about the gains, in terms of efficiency, of this policy. Following a recent and robust partial nonparametric frontier model, based on order-α, we intend to evaluate the presence of economies of scope in the Portuguese waste sector. Furthermore, we also estimate the economies of scale using the traditional data envelopment analysis. The results show the absence of economies of scope between waste and water (and wastewater) services. In addition, we identify the presence of economies of scale in smaller municipalities. These outcomes might be useful for policy and decision makers in further reforms.