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251.
Biologic and nonbiologic traces on the hands are of particular importance for the forensic reconstruction of shooting incidents; gunpowder residue analysis in particular helps determine whether the gunshot is close range or distant. In crime scene investigation, knowledge about the morphology of bloodstain patterns-including gunshot-related back spatter-has increased since various experimental examinations have been performed in the last years; nowadays, these traces are frequently used for forensic crime scene reconstruction. The goal of this study was to deduce the position and orientation of the hands, and therefore the firearm, according to the bloodstain patterns on the hands of the deceased. For this purpose blood-spatter stains on the hands were examined on site in 5 suicides caused by gunshot. In all cases, forensically relevant conclusions regarding forensic reconstruction were enabled through close examination of the spatter marks. Therefore, in shooting incidents, analysis and documentation of blood-spatter findings on the hands is recommended before hands are tested for gunpowder residue or wrapped for the transport of the body.  相似文献   
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本文通过考察对英国政府的管制,简要说明在1997年之前的20年间以及布莱尔政府执政的前两年,对政府的管制极大地增加了,集中体现在1999年《政府现代化》白皮书中。然后针对其中存在的问题,提出了“强制性自我管制”的理念,并重点阐述了把相互关系、监督和评论、竞争和随机性运用到对政府的管制中提高管制质量的建议。  相似文献   
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This paper presents an overview of recent literature and research on elder abuse among African-Americans. Data about maltreatment of elders in the majority and minority races are presented, but persistent, unanswered questions and other issues also are raised. Characteristics of victims and perpetrators of elder abuse, the history and cultural traditions of Black families, differences between Black informal support networks and others, the phenomenon of violence and African-Americans, and concerns about access and utilization of formal support(s) are discussed. Interim recommendations are proposed.  相似文献   
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Despite considerable interest in the means by which policy learning occurs, and in how it is that the framework of policy may be subject to radical change, the "black box" of economic policy making remains surprisingly murky. This article utilizes Peter Hall's concept of "social learning" to develop a more sophisticated model of policy learning; one in which paradigm failure does not necessarily lead to wholesale paradigm replacement, and in which an administrative battle of ideas may be just as important a determinant of paradigm change as a political struggle. It then applies this model in a survey of U.K. economic policy making since the 1930s: examining the shift to "Keynesianism" during the 1930s and 1940s; the substantial revision of this framework in the 1960s; the collapse of the "Keynesian-plus" framework in the 1970s; and the major revisions to the new "neoliberal" policy framework in the 1980s and 1990s.  相似文献   
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This paper examines the concept of putting history “under the power of the public”. It discusses the role played by former employees in researching and publishing the histories of two former large industrial history/heritage sites in Perth, Western Australia. The projects originated not in academia but from past employees who sought the help of labour historians to record the histories. Former employees provided much of the research material and assisted as sources of information, interviewers and interviewees, site guides and critics of work put forward for publication. While academic authors were responsible for interpreting their own research, past employees had a voice in the ways in which the sites’ stories were presented to the public, and the veracity of that information. The article explores the subversive potential of subaltern histories such as these, as well as some principles for putting history under the power of the public. It concludes by examining the strengths and weaknesses of this method, including the extent to which the pressures of academia discourage historians from engaging with “popular” projects requiring “a different voice”.  相似文献   
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Theories of blame suggest that contracting out public service delivery reduces citizens’ blame of politicians for service failure. The authors use an online experiment with 1,000 citizen participants to estimate the effects of information cues summarizing service delivery arrangements on citizens’ blame of English local government politicians for poor street maintenance. Participants were randomized to one of four cues: no information about service delivery arrangements, politicians’ involvement in managing delivery, delegation to a unit inside government managing delivery, and delegation through a contract with a private firm managing delivery. The politicians managing delivery cue raises blame compared to citizens having no information. However, the contract with a private firm cue does not reduce blame compared to either no information or the politicians managing delivery cue. Instead, the delegation to a unit inside government cue reduces blame compared to politicians managing delivery, suggesting that delegation to public managers, not contracting, reduces blame in this context.  相似文献   
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