Secondary Victimizations in Missing Child Events

This paper examines the incidence and nature of secondary victimizations (attempted and completed physical assault, sexual assault, and robbery) in a population of missing children (nonfamily abducted, family abducted, runaway/thrownaway, general/benign missing). Using data from the NISMART-2 studies, the following questions are addressed: How much secondary criminal victimization of children occurs in the context of missing children events, and what is the nature of this victimization? Are some categories/ types of missing children event more likely to result in secondary victimization than others? Is the risk for secondary victimization greater for some missing children than others (e.g., are age or race factors)? Are the outcomes of missing child events which include secondary victimizations different in significant ways from those which do not (more likely to be associated with harm for children or more likely to involve public resources like law enforcement)?     

Demanding Service or Servicing Demand? Charities,Regulation and the Policy Process

Charities in the Victorian era were characterised by the notions of service and pressure, acting as a shield and a sword for social change. Charities continue to pursue such policies, but do so at the behest of state agendas on public service provision and civic engagement. This article examines the regulatory and policy challenges of the service and pressure dynamic, focusing upon the provision of public services by charities, considering the decision of the Charity Commission in the cases of Trafford and Wigan , and the hurdles faced by charities wishing to pursue a political agenda alongside the state's concern with protecting against terrorism. The article concludes by considering the arbitrary choice made within the regulatory framework between acceptable and unacceptable political conduct and the focus upon good governance in charities and the issues which arise under section 6(3)(b) of the Human Rights Act 1998.     

The quest for accountability in Newfoundland and Labrador

Abstract: This article examines the meaning of accountability in the Government of Newfoundland and Labrador from both a substantive and a procedural perspective; the three distinct eras in the province's political administration history; the stages in the statutory evolution of the comptroller and auditor function; the province's experience in the Confederation era with the concept of democratic accountability; and the prospects for the future of accountability. The author reveals that the auditor's department or office went for most of a century with little in the way of institutional independence. Government has been hostile to both the extension of the accoutrements of legislative accountability in general and to the notion of increasing the powers of the auditor. What limited independence was mustered and the few challenges raised towards the government of the day were as a result of the professional ethics of Newfoundland auditors, the aid of other federal and provincial auditors, and the spirit of the age. Even in the modem day, Newfoundland has plenty more leeway for reform. The article presents four scenarios of alternative futures for accountability and the auditor general function in the province. One features no change, and the other three contemplate the victories of the independence lobby, the managerialist lobby, and the democratic lobby. Sommaire: Cet article examine la signification de l'imputabilité du gouvernement dc Terre‐Neuve et du Labrador simultanément selon une perspective de fond et une perspective procédurale, les trois périodes distinctes de l'histoire de l'administration politique de cette province, les étapes de l'évolution statutaire de la fonction de contrôleur et de vérificateur l'expérience de la province à 1'époque de la Confédération en ce qui conceme le concept d'imputabilité démocratique et les perspectives d'avenir de l'imputabilité. Les auteurs relèvent que le service ou le Bureau du Vérificateur a pendant près d'un siècle très peu connu d'indépendance institutionnelle. Le gouvemement a été hostile à l'extension de l'imputabilité législative en général, tout autant qu'à accroître les pouvoirs du Vérificateur. L'indépendance limitée et les rares défis soumis au gouvernement du jour ont résulté de l'éthique professionnelle des vérificateurs de Terre‐Neuve, de l'assistance d'autres vérificateurs fédéraux et provinciaux et de l'esprit de l'époque. Même en ces temps modernes, Terre‐Neuve a beaucoup plus de marge de manaeuvre pour entreprendre des réformes. L'article présente quatre scénarios d'altematives en ce qui concerne l'imputabilité et la fonction générale de Vérificateur dam la province. L'un ne prévoit aucun changernent et les trois autres entrevoient les victoires du lobby de l'indépendance, du lobby gestionnariste et du lobby démocratique.     

Routine activities of delinquent and non-delinquent victims of violent crime

The link between criminal victimization and offending has become increasingly well documented in recent years. Unfortunately, the empirical and theoretical enmeshment of these variables makes it difficult to determine the effect of specific activities purely on victimization. This paper provides an examination of the effect of engaging in specific risky activities on the violent victimization experiences of delinquent and non-delinquent youth. Our results show that there are some modest differences in the effects of risky behaviors on the likelihood of violent victimization for delinquents and non-delinquents.     

Factors affecting perception of pregnancy risk in the adolescent

Perception of pregnancy risk, fertility knowledge, and probability-based teaching examples of risk were assessed in 104 primiparous urban adolescents 13–18 years of age in their second and third trimester of pregnancy. Perception of risk was not associated with age, actual frequency of intercourse, or level of fertility knowledge. Sexually active adolescents were surprised at subsequent conceptions. Adolescents were unable to utilize concepts of risk taking, even after concrete examples and teaching techniques had been presented.This study was conducted under the auspices of the Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Baylor College of Medicine, which provides medical faculty to the Harris County Hospital District, Houston, Texas.Received Ph.D. from the University of Texas at Austin. Current interests are patterns of adolescent child bearing and rearing.Received M.P.H. from the University of Texas School of Public Health. Current interests are adolescent contraceptive behavior.Received D.P.H. from the University of Texas School of Public Health. Current interests are biological psychiatry and socio-medical research.Received M.D. from Baylor College of Medicine. Current interests are continuing education in medical and nonmedical settings.     

Lottizzazione Russian Style: Russia's Two-tier Media System

The restructuring of the Russian mass media has created a two-tier media system, where some outlets, notably national television, are very tightly controlled, while others, including the internet, are allowed a substantial degree of freedom. The allocation of media outlets to one or other tier is carried out according to procedures that can be compared to the Italian lottizzazione, a method used to allocate political control within the state broadcaster RAI. Recent changes in media usage are now threatening the equilibrium of the system, thus posing a challenge to those responsible for its administration.     

Law From Below: Women's Human Rights and Social Movements in New York City

Despite the ambivalent history of the domestic application of human rights in the United States, human rights increasingly offer important resources for American grassroots activists. Within the constraints of U.S. policy toward human rights, they provide social movements a kind of global law "from below": a form of cosmopolitan law that subalterns can use to challenge their subordinate position. Using a case study from New York City, we argue that in certain contexts, human rights can provide important political resources to U.S. social movements. However, they do so in a diffuse way far from the formal system of human rights law. Instead, activists adopt some of the broader social justice ideas and strategies embedded within human rights practice.