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This article defines populism (in Latin American context) as a form of politics that is based mainly upon a personalist appeal, attracts significant popular support and, if successful, significantly redesigns social or political institutions. Neopopulism is defined as a form of populism which begins outside the state as opposed to classic populism which originates within the state. The main theoretical argument is that the study of populism can be made significant for comparative politics if we emphasise the issue of institutional redesign and then conceptualise it in structure vs agency terms. The comparative question then becomes whether a particular set of political institutions is robust enough to withstand the challenge of a charismatic individual. The empirical background is that Latin America has seen a significant number of populist movements that have indeed fundamentally altered institutional structures. By the same token, there have been an even larger number of populist attempts which ultimately failed. Having made this point, the discussion then focuses on Mexico. It seeks to understand the different sets of conditions which allowed Lázaro Cárdenas to succeed as classic populist in the 1930s, Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas to come close to success as a neopopulist in the 1980s and which greatly reduce the likelihood of successful neopopulism in the near future.  相似文献   
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This study suggests that police departments who promote counseling benefit from officer stress reduction. Officers from sixteen municipal police departments (n = 1,114) across the state of Alabama possessed moderate stress, but were influenced significantly by organizational demographics (including counseling opportunities). A majority of officers believed that stress signs were not predictive of police suitability but remained reluctant to share fears and anxieties with fellow colleagues, suggesting that officers feared the stigma associated with the need for stress counseling. Officers working in supportive counseling climates had significantly less stress, a reduced need for counseling, and a greater willingness to use counseling. Officers who engaged in counseling (at least occasionally) also reported more stress, indicating an awareness of their need for counseling. The authors concluded that police departments should consider requiring mandatory and periodic counseling for all officers, a procedural tactic that camouflages counseling need while concurrently treating the source of officer stress.  相似文献   
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Philip Andrews-Speed   《当代中国》2009,18(61):591-616
This article develops an analytical framework for examining China's energy policy-making processes, and uses it to explain the recent shifts in the country's energy priorities. The authors analyze the decisive factors in China's energy sector reforms by looking at the different stages from agenda setting, through policy choices, to decision making and implementation. The article attempts to identify the actors behind, the drivers for, and the constraints to, the progress of energy sector reforms in China since 1993 and to follow the evolution of these drivers and constraints. This will allow a better understanding of the possible future trends of energy sector reform, the institutional limits to policy change and the constraints to implementation.  相似文献   
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State rainy day funds have increased in popularity as countercyclical planning devices over the past 15 years. The view is widely held that all states need a rainy day fund balance of five percent in order to guard themselves against the threat of budgetary dislocation. This article compares the actual balances in state rainy day funds in 1997 to several factors affecting budgetary volatility. Little relationship is found between rainy day fund balances and the actual level of volatility in a given state. The article finds no justification for a "one size fits all" approach; each state should design policies based on its own peculiar needs.  相似文献   
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Emergency management is a complex policy subsystem that involves an intergovernmental, multiphased effort to mitigate, prepare for, respond to, and recover from disasters. This article develops a framework for analyzing the fiscal and functional aspects of disaster policy. It uses established theories of intergovernmental relations to offer a rationale for examining the capabilities required to implement disaster policy and the behavioral incentives that drive policy formulation. In particular, the article identifies the extent to which the capabilities and political objectives characteristic of each level of government are aligned, and illustrates the interplay between incentives and competencies by reviewing the federal disaster funding process. The current rules for federal budgeting may inappropriately promote spending on disaster response and recovery, while de-emphasizing mitigation and preparedness. Various proposals for reform could establish more coherent incentives, making disaster spending more consistent with the relative functional capabilities of the various levels of government.  相似文献   
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