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Can Managerial Turnover Be a Good Thing? The Impact of City Manager Change on Local Fiscal Outcomes 下载免费PDF全文
Jennifer M. Connolly 《Public administration review》2018,78(3):338-349
A long line of private sector research outlines the positive and negative impacts of employee and managerial turnover on organizations. However, public administration scholars often treat turnover as a phenomenon to be avoided and focus more on the antecedents of managerial turnover than on its consequences for public organizations. Within the context of local government, the impact of city manager turnover on organizational outcomes is unclear. This article identifies how city manager turnover influenced local fiscal outcomes during the Great Recession. Analysis of 165 council‐manager municipalities in California, more than one‐third of which experienced turnover during the height of the recession, allows for empirical examination of the impact of turnover during the test period of 2008–11 on local fiscal outcomes in 2011 and 2012, specifically the degree and incidence of budget deficit spending. The results demonstrate that managerial turnover may lead to better fiscal outcomes, conditional on how long the new manager has held the position. This suggests that while cities that hired new managers during the recession did better than those that did not, the earlier in the recession a manager was hired, the better. 相似文献
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Priscilla Wohlstetter 《政策研究评论》1989,9(1):50-65
Legislative oversight traditionally has been viewed as a rational tool for achieving democratic accountability. Legislators conduct oversight to ensure consistency between implementation and official policy directives. The major theme of this paper is t h a t oversight is best understood as an integral part of legislative-administrative politics. By examining how six states monitored recent educational reforms, the author finds that legislators conducted oversight in ways that minimized time commitments and maximized political benefits.
The paper concludes that legislative interest in controlling implementation often was secondary to political considerations. Oversight, therefore, may not really be effective as an accountability tool. 相似文献
The paper concludes that legislative interest in controlling implementation often was secondary to political considerations. Oversight, therefore, may not really be effective as an accountability tool. 相似文献
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This article examines the use of family group conferencing in child protection and considers its ability to privilege the voice of children and families who reach the attention of statutory child protection services. The family group conference (FGC) is a process of family decision-making in child protection, originally developed in Aotearoa New Zealand, and now practised in many countries including the UK. Examining the literature and research relating to the FGC it considers whether the approach provides a genuine context of participation and partnership, or whether it has become an instrumental professionally led practice as families are charged with greater responsibilities for children at risk. 相似文献
66.
Oliver Johnson Abbie Andrew Theresa Connolly 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2019,30(2):203-219
Empirical research seldom reports on clinical outcomes within low secure services. By comparing outcome measures prior to admission and following discharge this study aimed to investigate the care pathways of patients admitted to a low secure unit (LSU). The study was conducted in an LSU and consisted of 70 patients (54 male, 16 female). Data were collected retrospectively and analysed in relation to placement security (upon admission and discharge) and admissions to hospital. Results revealed that admissions to hospital and time spent in hospital decreased post-discharge in comparison with pre-admission. Forensic patients were found to have fewer admissions than civil patients prior to LSU admission. Some differences were also observed within gender and Mental Health Act (MHA) section status for placement security. The findings demonstrated that following treatment in a LSU, care pathways may be less restrictive than prior to admission. Further, more robust research on the outcomes of LSUs is required. 相似文献
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Emmanuel Nii-Boye Quarshie Priscilla Ayebea Davies Mawuena Ivanna Adzoa Badasu Theophilus Tagoe Pearl Ama Otoo Patricia Opoku Afriyie 《Journal of Sexual Aggression》2018,24(1):125-141
Multiple perpetrator rape (MPR) is criminalised in Ghana but there is a dearth of research and official statistics on the phenomenon. This study explores some of the key characteristics of MPR in Ghana as reported in the media. Keyword search of the news archives of 9 Ghanaian media outlets generated 57 cases of MPR reported from January 2000 through June 2016. Content analysis of the cases showed 61 all-female victims and 57 all-male perpetrator groups. The average victim age was 17.9 years and the modal perpetrator-group size was two. The majority of the victims knew at least one member of the perpetrator groups. The perpetrator groups approached their victims outdoors but raped them indoors, using violent techniques to compel compliance. Although the characteristics of MPR in Ghana, as observed in this study, are comparatively similar to those found in other African countries, further studies are recommended for a nuanced understanding of MPR in Ghana. 相似文献
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We report the case of a 39-year old white male who committed suicide by shooting himself with an air rifle and a shotgun. The ballistics of air guns and rifles, with particular reference to the Sheridan air rifle, are reviewed. Only two cases of multiple firearm suicide have been reported; both involved simultaneously fired handguns. Ours is the first case, to our knowledge, of an air rifle and a shotgun used in sequence to commit suicide. 相似文献
70.
Constructing the sex trafficker: spectral figures and sexual violence in California’s Proposition 35
This article examines the development, framing, and implementation of Proposition 35, the ‘Californians Against Sexual Exploitation Act.’ The 2012 ballot initiative, described variously as a measure against human slavery, human trafficking, and sex trafficking secured more votes than any other initiative or candidate in a single statewide election in California history. We argue that the measure exemplifies a disjuncture in the articulation of feminist politics against sexual violence, labor exploitation, and criticisms of the carceral state. The rise of the sex trafficker as a ‘spectral’ subject of contemporary political discourse shapes a broader ideological framework that permits a distinct set of political actors and interests to widen their institutional and political authority and to marginalize competing claims about the roots of sexual violence and labor exploitation. Proposition 35, which targets a ‘spectral’ figure abstracted from institutional context and relations of power, expands the carceral state in the name of protecting vulnerable women while also excluding long-standing feminist solutions to sex and gender-based violence. 相似文献