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971.
Do the illegal and legal rents of politicians affect municipal election outcomes? Empirical evidence
Bernardino Benito María-Dolores Guillamón Ana-María Ríos Francisco Bastida 《Local Government Studies》2019,45(4):546-568
This paper aims to analyse whether illegal (corruption) and legal rent extraction (high politicians’ wages) affect electoral outcomes at municipal level. We use an initial sample of 145 Spanish municipalities over 50,000 for two electoral periods: 2004–2007 (before the crisis) and 2008–2011 (during the crisis). Our findings show that neither illegal nor legal rent extraction impact on re-election in non-crisis times. However, we observe that citizens penalize legal rent extraction in the ballots during the crisis. Regarding the economic performance of the local governments, we find that its effect on re-election is important in non-crisis period. Nevertheless, in time of crisis, given that the economic situation is bad in general in the country, voters pay less attention to economic factors and focus on politicians’ behaviour. 相似文献
972.
The U.S. health-care costs have increased at a rapid rate over the last several decades. How much responsibility the government should bear with the increase in health-care costs is one of the main questions that lack consensus among the American people. Utilizing the 2016 General Social Survey data, this study shows that over two-thirds of Americans want to see more or much more spending on health care by the government. An ordered logit regression model shows that political trust and ideology are significant correlates in predicting attitudes toward government spending on health care. The policy implications of the findings are discussed in the “Conclusion” section. 相似文献
973.
J. Paul Goode 《后苏联事务》2019,35(2):140-160
This article argues that the sources of official and societal ambivalence towards civic nationhood in today’s Russia are found in the institutional instability and personalist dynamics of hybrid regime politics in the 1990s. Successful civic nation-building should institutionalize inclusive criteria for citizenship as a basis for policymaking, which in turn should create incentives for dominant ethnicities to embrace civic nationhood. While the shifting views of Boris Yel’tsin on nationalities policy and the constant turmoil in the government’s nationalities ministry have received little scholarly attention, they illuminate the endogenous sources of regime instability in relation to civic nation-building. Russia’s experience thus challenges the traditional view of ethnic nationalism as fostering authoritarianism and civic nationalism as fostering democracy: rather, competitive authoritarianism in the 1990s confounded the regime’s own efforts toward civic nation-building and laid the groundwork for the “ethnic turn” in Russian politics under Vladimir Putin. 相似文献
974.
Michael J. Cleveland Mark E. Feinberg Mark T. Greenberg 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(2):114-126
This study used data from a sample of 6th to 12th grade students (N = 48,641, 51% female), nested in 192 schools, to determine if the influence of family-based protective factors varied across
different school contexts. Hierarchical logistic regression models were used to examine the effects of individual-level family
protective factors, relative to school-level aggregates of the same factors, on recent (past 30 days) use of cigarettes, alcohol,
and marijuana. Cross-level interactions indicated that the effect of the student’s level of family protection, relative to
other students in their school, differed depending on the aggregated school level of family protection. The results suggested
that the benefit of belonging to a well-functioning family was more influential for students attending schools characterized
by higher-than-average aggregated levels of protection compared to students attending schools of lower-than-average protection.
Thus, family-level factors offered less protection for students in relatively high-risk school contexts. These results were
consistent with a protective–reactive interaction and suggest that a thorough understanding of adolescent substance use must
consider the complex interplay among adolescents, their families, and their social environments. 相似文献
975.
James J. Mazza Charles B. Fleming Robert D. Abbott Kevin P. Haggerty Richard F. Catalano 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(6):579-593
Few studies have examined risk factors of childhood and early adolescent depressive symptomatology trajectories. This study
examined self-report depressive symptomatology across a 6-year time period from 2nd to 8th grade to identify latent groups
of individuals with similar patterns of depressive phenomena in a sample of 951 children (440 girls, 511 boys). Analyses,
using semiparametric group modeling (SGM), identified 5 trajectory groups for girls and boys: low depressed stables, low depressed
risers, mildly depressed stables, moderately depressed changers, and moderately depressed risers. Individual risk factors,
with the exception of shy/withdrawn behavior, were significantly different across trajectory group membership for boys and
girls, as was low-income status for boys. Boys in the low depressed and mildly depressed stable trajectory groups had significantly
higher levels of antisocial behavior, attention problems, and lower social competency compared to girls in similar groups.
These results suggest that universal prevention programs implemented in early elementary school that target selected risk
factors may be helpful in reducing future adolescent mental health problems, specifically depressive symptomatology. 相似文献
976.
Nicole Leeper Piquero Kristan Fox Alex R. Piquero George Capowich Paul Mazerolle 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(4):380-392
Much of the prior work on General Strain Theory (GST) has focused on how strain and negative emotions interrelate to produce
criminal—especially violent—activity. Very little research has extended GST to examine other types of non-criminal, negative
behavior, such as self-harming behaviors associated with disordered eating, a traditionally female-specific self-directed
outcome. Using a sample of 338 young adults (54% female, 95% white), this article applies GST to disordered eating by examining
how strain and negative emotions relate to this particular outcome across gender. Findings indicate that two types of strain
measures predict depressive symptoms among males and females, that inequitable strainful experiences relate to disordered
eating among females but not males, that depressive symptoms but not anger increase disordered eating for both males and females,
and that membership in Greek organizations (sororities or fraternities) is associated with disordered eating but only for
males. Implications for theory and directions for future research are highlighted. 相似文献
977.
Hyeouk Chris Hahm Yoona Lee Al Ozonoff Michael J. Van Wert 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(5):528-540
The purpose of this study was to investigate how different types of child maltreatment, independently and collectively, impact
a wide range of risk behaviors that fall into three domains: sexual risk behaviors, delinquency, and suicidality. Cumulative
classification and Expanded Hierarchical Type (EHT) classification approaches were used to categorize various types of maltreatment.
Data were derived from Wave III of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health). Our sample consisted
of White, Black, Hispanic, and Asian females ages 18 to 27 (n = 7,576). Experiencing different kinds of maltreatment during childhood led to an extensive range of risk behaviors within
the three identified domains. Women experiencing sexual abuse plus other maltreatment types had the poorest outcomes in all
three domains. These findings illustrate that it may no longer be appropriate to assume that all types of maltreatment are
equivalent in their potential contribution to negative developmental sequelae. 相似文献
978.
Using a risk and resiliency theoretical framework, the association between interparental conflict and academic achievement
was examined. The sample consisted of 2,297 6th grade youth with a mean age of 11.92. Participants were mostly European American
(81.8%) and 52% were girls. Results demonstrated that interparental conflict is a risk factor for lower academic achievement,
suggesting that family interactions play a significant role in how youth perform in the academic setting. Youth self-blame
acted as a significant mediator, providing some explanation for how interparental conflict affects academic achievement. Maternal
acceptance and monitoring knowledge partially buffered the association between interparental conflict and youth self-blame.
Additionally, the positive association between interparental conflict and perceived threat was stronger for youth who perceived
relationships with mothers as more supportive, connected, and involved. Results from this study underscore the need for continued
focus on the link between family and school environments with respect to youth developmental outcomes. 相似文献
979.
Thomas T. Holyoke Jeffrey R. Henig Heath Brown Natalie Lacireno-Paquet 《Policy Sciences》2009,42(1):33-55
Baumgartner and Jones (1993) showed how radically new policies emerge on government agendas as a consequence of exogenous shocks to policy subsystems displacing privileged interests. But how do these policies evolve post-punctuation? In this paper, we present three different models of policy change. Policies may revert to the old status quo if displaced interests re-assert themselves, or they may be “locked-in” by new interests now reaping the benefits. Alternatively, they may incrementally change as lawmakers “learn” how to better meet target population needs, particularly by witnessing how other jurisdictions address similar problems. We test these models with data on change in state charter schools laws over time. We find that whether old status quos are overthrow, and the fate of charter policies when they are enacted, is influenced more by competing political interests, especially interest groups, than elite and public perceptions of broad systemic crises. Yet, we also find that changing demands on the state and learning from the successes and failures of neighboring states also play significant roles. 相似文献
980.
Oscar W. Gabriel Ulf Bohmann Daniel Gaus Emanuel Richter Annika Frisch Helga Haftendorn Dirk Berg-Schlosser Frank Bönker Dennis-Jonathan Mann Christian Tuschhoff Karsten Schmitz Jared Sonnicksen Heinrich Pehle Marco Schäferhoff Wilhelm Bleek Jürgen Petersen 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2009,50(3):646-690