Think Tanks in Iceland

This article maps the landscape of think tanks in Iceland. It shows that think tanks are very few and insignificant in Icelandic policymaking. In the literature, the growth of think tanks in European countries with corporatist pasts has been linked to a change to a more pluralist system of interest representation. The case of Iceland lends support to this claim. In contrast to Scandinavia, corporatism remains entrenched in Iceland. But although there is a very limited market for local think tanks in Iceland, it is nevertheless recognized by political actors that touting policy advice offered by prestigious (international) think tanks can bring political benefits. This is also demonstrated in the article, showing that the influence of think tanks transcends at times national borders.     

Iceland

European Journal of Political Research -     

A comparison of normal and disturbed adolescent Offer Self-Image Questionnaire responses in an Irish cultural setting

In an effort to gauge the overall usefulness of the Offer Self-Image Questionnaire (OSIQ) as a practical discriminator between clinically disturbed and normal Irish teenagers, the 11 scale scores and the mean of these scores for 845 normal and 115 disturbed adolescents were computed and compared. The results show that the test does, in fact, distinguish disturbed adolescents from normals and, in particular, psychotic from both normal and other disturbed adolescents. We conclude that the test may have considerable potential on an individual clinical basis, provided suitable cultural norms are established.Lecturer in Behavioral Science, Faculty of Nursing Post-Graduate Course, Royal College of Surgeons of Ireland. B. A., 1966, and H. Dip. Ed., 1967, University College, Galway; Dip. Psych., University College, Dublin, 1973. Recipient in 1977 of Council of Europe Medical Fellowship — field of study Residential Treatment of Disturbed Adolescents.     

The financial autonomy of the municipalities and the Valencian Parliament

SUMMARY

In the first half of the fourteenth century and on countless occasions, the Crown granted the leaders of the City of Valencia authorization to collect indirect taxes as a means of collecting the subsidies allocated to its military needs. The ratification of fiscal autonomy can be related to the Crown's interest in gaining control of municipal resources as a way of demanding donations in order to accomplish its policies.

The main reason for the royal privilege to raise taxes in favour of the cities was the extensive expenses caused by the conquest of Corsica and Sardinia during the reign of James II. The Kingdom and the city of Valencia came to the aid of the monarch because they were interested in trading with Sicily and these two islands were impeding trade routes. To make things easier, Alfonso IV granted them a privilege to levy taxes on the grain and meat trades and on merchant shipping within the municipal territory of the city of Valencia. The municipal tax on meat and grain was used as a model for the tax approved in the Cortes of 1329, extending it to exports everywhere in the Kingdom of Valencia. The tax approved by these Cortes, agreed in order to collect the subsidy offered to the monarch, was the first general tax validated in the Cortes following the model of the exisiting municipal tax. To mark the occasion of the war against Castile, Peter IV took a decisive step in 1363 and extended the capacity to levy taxes to all royal towns and cities. The municipalities turned indirect taxation into one of the basic pillars of their economy.     

Male and female politicians on Twitter: A machine learning approach

How does the language of male and female politicians differ when they communicate directly with the public on social media? Do citizens address them differently? We apply Lasso logistic regression models to identify the linguistic features that most differentiate the language used by or addressed to male and female Spanish politicians. Male politicians use more words related to politics, sports, ideology and infrastructure, while female politicians talk about gender and social affairs. The choice of emojis varies greatly across genders. In a novel analysis of tweets written by citizens, we find evidence of gender-specific insults, and note that mentions of physical appearance and infantilising words are disproportionately found in text addressed to female politicians. The results suggest that politicians conform to gender stereotypes online and reveal ways in which citizens treat politicians differently depending on their gender.     

Newspaper Coverage of Three Presidential Campaigns in Chile: Personalisation and Political Strategies

We investigate the evolution of political campaign coverage through a content analysis of the topics highlighted in newspapers' agendas during three presidential elections in Chile. Results show an expected increase in the space allocated to the politicians' private lives (privatisation) by 2009, but no change in the attention given to individual politicians' political traits (political competence). Coverage of candidates' campaign strategies had increased markedly in media agendas by 1999, and by 2009 in politicians' agendas. These changes are consistent with some of the recent transformations of political communication in Western democracies, within the framework of the so‐called ‘mediatisation’ of politics.     

Peace Profile: Roger Casement

In an earlier “Peace Profile,” Patrick Cannon provides a comprehensive account of the life of Roger Casement, a person who identified with the Irish nationalist community, in spite of the fact that he was raised in an Ulster, Protestant family and worked as a representative of British imperialism during the Victorian and Edwardian eras. It was his experiences as a British counsel in the Congo Free State and in the Putumayo region of Peru that convinced Casement that imperialism had, in fact, systematically oppressed native peoples and perpetrated horrendous human rights atrocities. His official reports to the British government helped to end abuses by the representatives of King Leopold II in the Congo and by officials of the Peruvian Amazon company in Peru. This significant work for humanitarian causes prompted Cannon to suggest that Casement should be regarded as an exemplar for peace activists and humanitarians everywhere.     

Electoral reforms,entry barriers and the structure of political markets: A comparative analysis

This article investigates the impact of electoral reforms on entry barriers in political markets. The discussion starts by delineating the theoretical boundaries of various political markets, such as those for participation, parties and government. By taking a cue from industrial organisation theory, the article offers an analysis of entry barriers, both hard and soft, along with their operationalisation for empirical research. Based on this theoretical framework, a single hypothesis is investigated. It posits that the modification of the entry barriers in the market for parties leads to changes in the concentration of the popular vote for party lists. An observable implication of this relationship would be if an electoral reform that raises entry barriers led to subsequent increases in the Herfindahl index (a measure of market concentration), and vice versa. This proposition is empirically tested by a comparative analysis of a new database covering Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. The analysis offers support for the following proposition: in most cases the changes in the entry barriers led to a corresponding change of concentration in the market for parties.