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This study analyses the effects of observed preference for boys on Pakistani women’s participation in household decision-making. We find a significant association between female participation in various household decisions and their preference for boys. Bearing at least one son is associated with 5 per cent, 7 per cent, and 5 per cent higher say in decisions involving healthcare, social, and consumption matters, respectively. Women’s role in financial affairs, however, does not change significantly. Female participation in decision-making grows with the number of sons but only up to third parity. The improvement in female participation remains limited and decision- or context-specific. 相似文献
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Omar Khalidi 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(8):1545-1562
This paper challenges the academic and media consensus on the notion that India is a secular state. It does so by marshalling empirical evidence that, far from being a state practising neutrality between the religious affiliations of Indian society or equidistance from all religions, the Indian state is actually and directly involved in Hinduisation of the country. It does this by promoting Hinduism through ‘reform’ and favouritism at state expense. While the constitution guarantees educational and cultural autonomy as well as religious freedom, in practice there are widespread and systematic violations by state institutions. In public employment the state follows discriminatory policies to perpetuate the Hindu majority by restricting religious freedom. The discriminatory policies are most visible in affirmative action policies and recruitment in the army. Contrary to some academic writings, the paper establishes that the Hinduisation of the Indian state is not only associated with the votaries of Hindutva represented by a ‘family’, or parivar, of Hindu militant groups. The notion of India as a Hindu state pre-dates the creation of the postcolonial state in 1947, and was inherent in the militant right wing of the Congress Party, which perceived Christians and Muslims as foreigners. There is, the paper demonstrates, major continuity between the educational, cultural and employment policies pursued by the Indian state regardless of the party in power. The paper is based on primary Indian sources and interviews in India and abroad. 相似文献
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If police interviewers’ hold negative feelings towards certain groups, this may affect how they interview them (either as victims, witnesses or suspects) in that they may not obtain reliable accounts, being the aim of such interviews. The Minhas Investigative Interviewing Prejudicial Stereotyping Scale (MIIPSS) has been developed to assess the level of any investigative interviewers’ prejudicial stereotyping towards suspects. The current exploratory study involved semi-structured interviews with twenty people, who had previously been interviewed as suspects in England and also eight very experienced lawyers. Both their views were measured using the MIIPSS before being subjected to a Guttman analysis. Statistical analyses showed that MIIPSS satisfies the criteria for classification as a valid unidimensional and cumulative scale. Therefore, researchers could use MIIPSS as a tool to measure prejudicial stereotyping in investigative interviews. Interviewers could also use MIIPSS to monitor their own attitudes towards certain groups or individuals suspected of different types of crimes. 相似文献
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Asian Journal of Criminology - The COVID-19 pandemic had a substantial impact on the historical criminal trend around the world. This study explores the early impact of COVID-19 lockdown on... 相似文献
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Rashid Pertev 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(1):27-49
Sharecropping has posed many puzzles to the theoretician. It seems to disappear with the coming of capitalism and yet again evidence exists for its reappearance and cyclical behaviour. This article maintains that many of these puzzles can be solved by juxtaposing Marxist thought on to the neo‐classical tools of analysis. This is achieved by concentrating on a specific type of sharecropping from which the rest of the puzzle can be explained. The way is also paved for a general model of differentiated peasantry according to the initial endowments of land and labour. The link with the ‘Inverse Relationship’ is also explained. 相似文献
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Microcredit/finance as a tool to eradicate poverty and empower women in developing countries has been a darling of developed countries. The success stories from microcredit borrowers from Bangladesh, India, and Africa, and global endorsement of microcredit programmes have largely ignored local indigenous initiatives managed by groups of women in rural and urban areas. Evidence from fieldwork in Pakistan and Malawi suggests that although systematically recorded history of such indigenous initiatives is lacking, women in these settings would attest that there exists generational knowledge about such small-scale, group-based micro-lending which can be used to enhance livelihoods in rural households. 相似文献
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The Bangladesh government formulated the Bangladesh Climate Change Strategies and Action Plans (BCCSAP) in 2008 through a participatory process involving several CSOs/NGOs and others. This article discusses the participation of CSOs/NGOs in climate change policy-making, focusing on mapping their level of participation in policy-making. It demonstrates that state laws allow CSOs/NGOs to implement several projects voluntarily, but largely prohibit their participation in political decision-making processes. The state invites a few CSOs/NGOs as a condition to receive aid, but displays arbitrary and co-opting attitudes towards CSOs/NGOs that rarely ensure joint decisions in creating policy. 相似文献