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781.
Ann W. Burgess Timothy Baker Deborah Greening Carol R. Hartman Allen G. Burgess John E. Douglas Richard Halloran 《Journal of family violence》1997,12(4):389-403
An examination of data from 120 male and female batterers of varied age and marital, educational, and economic status, who attended group treatment for batterers or who were charged with domestic violence from January to February 1996 in a district court setting, produced the following findings: Stalkers tended to live alone, were less likely to be married, not living with children, and used more alcohol than nonstalkers. They also tended to have had a history of prior stalking offenses and of being abused themselves. Factor analysis found three stalking groupings: one in which discrediting was the key, a second revolving around love turning to hate, and a third with violent confrontation with the ex-partner. 相似文献
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Richard Boyd 《Political studies》2004,52(3):603-622
Contemporary treatments of 'civil society' have struggled to formulate clear and explicit criteria for determining which associations ought to count as part of a truly 'civil' society and, conversely, which other kinds of groups a liberal democracy would best avoid. Michael Oakeshott's idealized distinction between 'civil' association and 'enterprise' association may prove extremely helpful in sharpening these contemporary discussions of civil society. Rather than a conservative value with exclusionary and anti-democratic overtones, as many have alleged, the virtue of civility entails immanent inclusivity, democratic equality and the active recognition of others. Understanding civility in this way argues for both its normative and conceptual value in distinguishing the good from the bad in associational life. On the other hand, the contemporary literature on civil society draws attention to ambiguities in Oakeshott's thought that make his understanding of the liberal state, for better or worse, an improbable means of encouraging a rebirth of associational life. 相似文献
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Richard E. Feinberg 《拉美政治与社会》2002,44(4):127-151
With remarkable success, Latin Americans have sought to impose their free trade policy agenda on a very reluctant and internally fractious United States. They have an ally in President George W. Bush, whose senior appointments notably support hemispheric trade integration even as political pressures sometimes have yielded protectionist outcomes. Bush's trade negotiator, Robert Zoellick, pursues a doctrine of competitive liberalization while accepting some linkage between trade and social and political goals. In negotiating the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), the administration will have to balance many domestic pressures without alienating Latin America. Ultimately, FTAA ratification will signal a new Western Hemisphere economic-security alliance for the twenty-first century. 相似文献
790.
Traditional views of dualistic development emphasize differences in behavior between the traditional and modern sectors. In
this article it is argued that a better distinction concerns market networks. A traditional sector is characterized by a lack
of market integration. Such market integration can be achieved only through dramatic growth of a domestic market for basic
agricultural goods. This will most likely involve the simultaneous protection and taxation of the agricultural sector. Thus,
protectionism was an appropriate strategy of development, but most nations protected the wrong sector (industry) at the wrong
time in the process of long-run development.
Richard Grabowski is a professor of economics at Southern Illinois University-Carbondale. His research interests include analyzing
the role of the state in economic development. His work has appeared inWorld Development, Journal of Developing Areas, Economic Development and Cultural Change, and Studies in Comparative International
Development. 相似文献