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241.
Cameriere R Brkic H Ermenc B Ferrante L Ovsenik M Cingolani M 《Forensic science international》2008,174(2-3):217-221
Age determination in living subjects is a problem of increasing interest in our community, due to the increasing numbers of individuals without identification papers, who have immigrated illegally or committed crimes, and for whom it is necessary to verify whether they have reached the age of 14 years in order to be charged legally. Although the most widespread methods for age estimation refer to skeletal or dental analysis, these methods do present some drawbacks for identification of the age of 14. The aim of the present study is to discriminate between children who are or are not 14 years of age or older by measuring the open apices of teeth. We evaluated the OPGs of 447 persons aged between 12 and 16 years, of Italian, Croatian and Slovenian nationality. For each individual, dental maturity was estimated using the number of the seven left permanent mandibular teeth with root development complete, and normalized measurement of the open apices of the third molar. The results revealed that an individual is considered to be 14 years of age or older if all seven left permanent mandibular teeth have closed apices and the normalized measurement of open apices of the third molar is lower than 1.1. 相似文献
242.
Christopher Alcantara Zachary Spicer Roberto Leone 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2012,55(1):69-90
While academic interest in accountability and transparency mechanisms in Aboriginal governance has risen over the past few years, very few studies have examined how these mechanisms operate in practice. One author, Shin Imai ( 2007 ), argues that Indigenous groups in Canada are faced with an accountability paradox that gives too much power to the federal government to intervene in band affairs, while giving too little power to band members to hold their local officials accountable for their actions. This paper examines the extent to which Aboriginal groups can avoid this paradox by reviewing three experiments in institutional design and self‐government in Aboriginal communities: the Sechelt Indian Band and the Westbank First Nation in British Columbia, and Nunatsiavut in Labrador. While considerable variation exists in terms of how well these communities overcome Imai's paradox, each community's accountability regime is an improvement over the one imposed by the Indian Act. The effectiveness of these regimes depends heavily on the institutional designs chosen by the Indigenous groups. 相似文献
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244.
Sanóu I Núñez G Rodríguez A Silva S García O Uriarte J Espinoza M 《Forensic science international》2005,153(2-3):272-273
Allele frequencies for 11 STR autosomal loci (F13A01, F13B, FESFPS, LPL, CSF1PO, TH01, TPOX, VWA, D16S539, D7S820 and D13S317) were obtained from a sample of 200 unrelated individuals from Costa Rica, Central America. 相似文献
245.
José Pedro Zúquete 《拉美政治与社会》2008,50(1):91-121
Through the application of an analytical model categorized as “missionary,” this article examines the cultural and political‐religious frames that sustain the leadership of Hugo Chávez. It demonstrates that missionary politics is a forceful presence in today's Venezuela, and should be understood as a form of political religion characterized by a dynamic relationship between a charismatic leader and a moral community that is invested with a mission of salvation against conspiratorial enemies. The leader's verbal and nonverbal discourses play an essential role in the development of such a missionary mode of politics, which seeks to provide the alienated mass of underprivileged citizens with an identity and a sense of active participation in national affairs. This study argues that purely utilitarian and materialistic explanations of Chávez's leadership fail to capture these soteriological dynamics in his movement. 相似文献
246.
Roberto Catanesi M.D. Felice Carabellese M.D. Donatella La Tegola Psy.D. Egle Alfarano Psy.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(1):251-254
Abstract: There are few studies of female stalkers in literature addressing different study populations. There appears to be a high incidence of mental disease among female stalkers, having an important role in inducing the harassment. We present a woman affected by a bipolar disorder who had a long affair with her victim, broken off in 2007. Stalking began in January 2009 and continued for 6 months, during which time she was not taking drugs and was in a decompensated clinical phase. In July 2009, she was denounced for harassment; the authorities demanded a psychiatric examination. The woman then resumed taking the medication regularly. In December 2009, although she was in complete remission, she began stalking once more. This case shows that even when there seems to be an evident relation between psychopathology and crime, it is always necessary to evaluate to what extent the mental disorder is responsible for the criminal behavior. 相似文献
247.
Raúl Trejo Delarbre 《Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales》2013,58(217):223-232
The article reconstructs systematically a definition analytically dense of the factual powers. By focusing on the implications factual powers in Latin America, the article inquiries into the resistance of these powers to the State of law, evidencing their propensity to promote their own private interests and impose them on society at large. On its turn, the author elaborates a diagnosis of the cultural expansion of factual powers in Mexican society, demonstrating that their influence expresses and reinforces political deficiencies, legal voids and cultural paucity, identifying the ideological preponderance of private television. 相似文献
248.
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250.
Service provision by local governments can be delivered using in-house bureaucracies, private firms, and partnerships with other governments or the not-for-profit sector. This production decision has been a major focus of discussion among scholars, practitioners and political agents for the last quarter of a century. The transaction costs framework is an important tool to analyse decisions regarding the production of local services. In this paper, the authors employ this framework to analyse service delivery in Portugal and find that service characteristics and the local political environment play a key role in local officials' choice among the three governance mechanisms to deliver public services. 相似文献