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761.
Galen Roger Perras 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2018,29(2):143-166
In 1877, employing the unwanted presence of armed Sioux in western Canada as a useful mechanism, Canada’s Cabinet, represented by Minister of the Interior David Mills, unhappy with perceived British indifference to Canada’s concerns, sought to initiate direct diplomatic relations with the United States. That effort failed, and British opposition to this endeavour was so sharp that Canada made no similar initiative for half a century. Although he failed, Mills’ effort marked the birth of the Functional notion that Canada’s voice should matter more in Imperial foreign policy formulation when its direct interests were at stake, especially when dealing with the United States. 相似文献
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Roger P. Rose 《Law & social inquiry》2015,40(2):433-460
Although compulsory, many people treat jury duty as voluntary. This article examines the conceptual and empirical links between participating in voluntary activity and stated willingness to serve on a jury. We also consider the role of engaging in other normative behaviors. Analysis of 1,304 US citizens in the Survey of Texas Adults showed an initial relationship between volunteering and willingness to serve, net of personal resources, prior jury service, and prosocial attitudes. However, indicators of normative activities (voting, contacting elected officials, keeping up with medical appointments, and avoiding bars) largely eliminated this relationship. People who volunteered some, but not too much, were more willing; an analysis of domains of volunteering showed that engaging in public service work predicted willingness. Results suggest that the public service and duty‐based nature of jury participation should be emphasized to understand willingness to serve and to consider novel ways to increase summons responses. 相似文献
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Roger A. Pielke Jr. 《Policy Sciences》1995,28(1):39-77
The U.S. Global Change Research Program (USGCRP) was established in law in 1990 (P.L. 101–606) with a mandate to provide policymakers with usable information. The law gave a White House Committee on Earth and Environmental Sciences (CEES) responsibility to implement the program with respect to its policy mandate. In 1994 CEES was replaced, in part, because it failed to provide usable information. This article, documenting the development of the program's policy mandate and CEES implementation of the USGCRP, finds a performance shortfall. The shortfall is attributed to a breakdown in the legislative process, participant perspectives, and the structure of post-World War II science policy. The purpose of the article is to explain the CEES performance shortfall in hope that its successor can improve USGCRP performance with respect to its legal mandate based upon the lessons of experience. 相似文献
767.
Philippe Doucet Roger Ouellette 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1993,36(1):24-37
Sommaire: Les relations intergouvernementales du Nouveau-Brunswick ont-elles connu au cours des trois dernieres decennies des transformations de fond? Presque inexistant au debut des annees 1960, ce secteur de l'activite gouvernementale s'est developpe graduellement pour devenir, apres la victoire des Liberaux de Frank McKenna en 1987, un ministere a part entiere. Le present article se propose de decrire revolution et de determiner les principaux facteurs susceptibles d'expliquer l'absence de structures autonomes de gestion des affaires intergouvernementales de la province. Pourtant, les gouvernements Robichaud des annees 1960 et Hatfield des annees 1970 et 1980 ont souvent ete les initiateurs de projets de modernisation de l'activite gouvernementale. Comment expliquer alors qu'ils aient autant tarde a organiser la gestion des relations intergouvernementales? Ces decisions relevent-elles davantage de la societe neo-brunswickoise que de ses dirigeants politiques? En plus d'avoir consulte litterature et documentation sur le sujet, nous avons interroge plusieurs hauts fonctionnaires et hommes politiques des anciens et du present gouvernements. Un large consensus se degage parmi eux: la direction des relations intergouvernementales, etroitement controlee par les premiers ministres, leur Bureau et, a l'occasion, le Secretariat du Conseil des ministres, n'a pas souffert outre mesure de l'absence d'une bureaucratie plus structured. En depit de la recente creation du ministere des Affaires intergouvernementales, on constate que la gestion de ces affaires n'aurait pas beaucoup change pour autant. C'est toujours au Bureau du Premier ministre que sont prises les decisions cles en la matiere. Abstract: Did New Brunswick intergovernmental relations undergo fundamental changes over the last three decades? Virtually non-existent in the early 1960s, this government acrtivity sector developed gradually, emerging as a full-fledged ministry following the vitory of Frank McKenna's Liberals in 1987. The purpose of this article is to describe that change and to determine the main factors that could explain the lack of autonomous structures for managing the province's intergovernmental affairs. However, the Robichaud government in the 1960 and the hatfield government in the 1970s and 1980s often launched projects to modernize government activities. How should one therefore explain the fact that they were so late in organizing the management of intergovernmental relations? Do these decisions result more fron New Brunswick society than from its political leaders? In order to consult the relevant literture and documentation, we interviewed several high officials and politicians from current and past governments. Ther is a broad consensus among them: the management of intergovernmental relations, closely controlled by the premiers, their offices and, occasionally, the secretariat of cabinet, has not been particularly affected by the lack of a more structured bureaucracy. In spite of the recent creation of the Ministry of Intergovernmental Affairs, the management of those affairs would not appear to have changed a great deal. It is still within the premier's office that the key decisions in this field are made. 相似文献
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Roger B. Wilkins 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2004,50(1):95-101
Is the current federal system in Australia still relevant? Have the historical forces which made federation a necessary step in Australia's journey toward nationhood largely disappeared? Australian federalism has united six disparate states into one nation and established national infrastructure to enhance our position domestically and internationally. The geographic tyranny of distance that divided the colonies has been overcome through improved transport, telecommunications and information technology. This article explores the historical basis of Australian federalism and asks whether federalism remains relevant for meeting the challenges facing Australia in the twenty‐first century. 相似文献