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The arrest of the protest punk band Pussy Riot (PR) in March 2012 and the subsequent prosecution of three band members pose a significant puzzle for political science. Although PR's performances presented a coherent alternative to the Putin regime's image of Russian reality, it was unlikely that the discordant music and crude lyrics of their art protest would inspire Russian society to take to the streets. Yet, the regime mounted a very visible prosecution against the three young women. We argue that the trial marked a shift in the Kremlin's strategy to shape state–society relations. In the face of declining economic conditions and social unrest, the PR trial encapsulated the Kremlin's renewed focus on three related mechanisms to insure social support: coercion, alliance building, and symbolic politics. The PR trial afforded the Kremlin an important opportunity to simultaneously redefine its loyal constituency, secure the Church–state relationship, and stigmatize the opposition. 相似文献
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Russell McGregor 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2019,65(2):215-229
The People the North Committee, founded in Townsville in 1962, was true to its name. It wanted to treble the population of northern Australia in a decade. Putting people before profits, the committee insisted that Australians had a moral obligation to prolifically populate their northern lands. Neither the ambition nor the rationale was new. In fact, the People the North Committee was the last gasp of a grand demographic aspiration that went back more than a hundred years. Thereafter, through to the present day, proposals for northern development have prioritised economic over demographic gains: profits before people. This article examines the ambitions and advocacy of the People the North Committee, setting them in the longer historical trajectory of the aspiration to people the north. In doing so, it offers a window onto a neglected facet of the nation‐building project in Australia. 相似文献
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Russell L. Riley 《Political studies》2009,57(1):187-206
Scholars who study the American presidency usually have to rely on indirect evidence for understanding the internal operations of the 'black box' that is a contemporaneous White House. Most of the direct evidence about White House behavior becomes available only after a president has left office, when confidential communications are opened to the public by the presidential libraries. In recent years, however, such direct evidence has become increasingly inaccessible, because of changes in the record-keeping habits of senior executive branch officials and because of the politics of archival release. This article explores the nature and extent of these problems, and how elite oral history interviewing can compensate for them. It further examines the strengths and weaknesses of oral history as a means of learning about the usually hidden workings of the American presidency. 相似文献
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Tobias Jung Tim Scott Huw T. O. Davies Peter Bower Diane Whalley Rosalind McNally Russell Mannion 《Public administration review》2009,69(6):1087-1096
Organizational culture is widely considered to be one of the most significant factors in reforming and modernizing public administration and service delivery. This article documents the findings of a literature review of existing qualitative and quantitative instruments for the exploration of organizational culture. Seventy instruments are identified, of which 48 could be submitted to psychometric assessment. The majority of these are at a preliminary stage of development. The study's conclusion is that there is no ideal instrument for cultural exploration. The degree to which any measure is seen as "fit for purpose" depends on the particular reason for which it is to be used and the context within which it is to be applied. 相似文献
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Russell Jacoby 《Society》2009,46(1):38-44
Over twenty years ago my book The Last Intellectuals put into circulation the phrase “public intellectual.” The term unexpectedly enjoyed great success. It encapsulated a new
division between a professional or academic intellectual focused on his or her specialty and an intellectual orientated to
a larger public. The former tend to disappear into the university, while they latter write for the educated public. In the
twenty years since its publication, my book has been sharply challenged. Moreover the emergence of African-American and women
intellectuals, and well as new developments such as Internet, have possibly undermined my thesis. Yet these phenomena amount
to revisions, not refutations, of my thesis. Moreover the role of intellectuals in France and Germany suggest that the same
process of academization is taking place in other advanced industrial nations. What is called for is not nostalgia or its
opposite, a celebration of everything that happens, but a consideration of the real shifts that affect the lives and work
of intellectuals.
相似文献
Russell JacobyEmail: |
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