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421.
Penny Russell 《Women's history review》2013,22(3):305-318
The emergence of feminism in Australia, as elsewhere, was grounded in personal experience. This paper explores the small and private rebellion of one woman against fraternal authority, an episode that took place before women had access to a feminist ideology with which to express their feelings of oppression. It argues that an examination of the tissue of domestic life – in this instance, a tiff about piano-playing – can be read at a number of levels: as a metaphor of inarticulate resistance and as an important precondition for feminism. 相似文献
422.
Vincent Russell 《Journal of Civil Society》2020,16(3):216-233
ABSTRACT Declining rates of public participation in the United States of America have raised questions about the sustainability and effectiveness of U.S. democracy. Some scholars have called for making democracy fun through the use of game design to make public participation more accessible. Using cultural discourse analysis, this study explores the locally situated communication practices of a civil society organization called Warm Cookies of the Revolution that seeks to (re)imagine U.S. democracy by making public participation fun. The research employs ‘fun talk’ – a specific communication practice within public participation – as an analytical unit and finds that fun talk served as a discursive hub of emotion with radiants of meaning connected to being, acting, and relating. In contrast to those who have argued fun democratic practices should employ game design to improve public administration, participants understood fun talk as a way to introduce them to civic affairs, form relationships with neighbours, and take action to improve their communities. The article discusses implications for theories of emotion and affect in civil society scholarship. 相似文献
423.
Critics of Virginia's challenge to the constitutionality of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act have asserted that Virginia lacked standing to even raise the issue. Such criticism is inconsistent with foundational understandings of the role of states in providing a check on federal power and with the modern standing jurisprudence of the Supreme Court, especially as reflected in the Court's decisions regarding a state's sovereign interest in defending its code of laws. This Article demonstrates that, as a matter of constitutional design and history, as well as under relevant precedents, Virginia clearly had and has standing to bring its challenge. 相似文献
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Batalis NI Harley RA Schandl CA 《The American journal of forensic medicine and pathology》2007,28(2):137-140
Verapamil blocks the rapid influx of calcium into the cardiac myocytes of the cardiac conduction system and smooth muscle of the vasculature, resulting in decreased myocardial contractility, prolonged conduction time, and vascular relaxation. A sustained-release form, verapamil SR (or ER), is available that contains higher levels of medication and requires only once-daily dosing. The majority of reported fatal cases of verapamil toxicity are due to massive, intentional overdoses. Herein, we present an unusual case of fatal verapamil SR toxicity in a 57-year-old female that resulted from accidental overdose of only 3 tablets (720 mg), as witnessed by the decedent's daughter. In spite of the low dose ingested, the postmortem cardiac blood verapamil level was clearly toxic (6000 ng/mL, or 6 mg/L). Her preexisting medical conditions included hypercholesterolemia, hypertension, iron deficiency anemia, diabetes mellitus, and associated mild chronic renal failure. Complicating factors, which likely include the decedent's preexisting renal and cardiac disease, and a review of the available literature will be discussed. 相似文献
426.
Both Olin and DuPont owned industrial facilities adjacent to the Solvent property, and Solvent alleged that the chlorinated aliphatic contamination detected in Solvent's groundwater recovery wells was predominately due to releases from the former DuPont chlorinated-solvent production facility. However, Solvent's position was complicated by the fact that during the 1980s, the Solvent property was used as an unlicensed hazardous waste transfer facility by a third-party (Frontenac Environmental Services, Inc.) and had received more than one hundred thousand gallons of chlorinated aliphatics from various entities. Solvent thus needed a method of determining the source for the chlorinated aliphatics in their groundwater recovery wells. One of the methods that Solvent used was based on its knowledge that chlorinated solvent production at DuPont involved certain intermediates such as 1,1,2,2-tetrachloroethane (TeCA) that would likely not be present in any of the waste products stored on the Solvent property. The judge found that Solvent's use of a TeCA tracer was compelling evidence regarding the source of chlorinated aliphatics and largely agreed to Solvent's suggested allocation. 相似文献
427.
428.
Legislation would be a Samuelsonian public good if the cost of creating legislation is not a function of the number of people covered by the legislation. A straighforward test of Samuelsonian publicness is undertaken by estimating the cost of producing legislation as a function of population and other variables, using cross-sectional data from the states of the United States for the years 1965, 1975, and 1985. The empirical results indicate that while legislation does have some degree of publicness, legislation is mostly a private good, and that it has been becoming increasingly less public over time. 相似文献
429.
430.
Regina Smyth 《后苏联事务》2018,34(5):297-316
The proximity of Ukraine’s Orange Revolution (2004) andEuromaidan Revolution (2014) provides an opportunity to considerwhy some individuals remain active across protest cycles whileothers defect. Many social movement scholars explain differentialparticipation in terms of micro-structural, biographical, or cognitivefactors. Others rely on rational choice theories of collective actionbased on coordination. Testing competing explanations arecomplicated because the variables included in structural andagency-based models are often the same, although the underlyingcausal mechanisms are different. In this article, I argue that thekey to understanding the role of agency and structure in protestparticipation is to relax strong assumptions about the unified natureof society and consider the multiple paths to participation. Thisapproach suggests that both structural and agency-based causalmechanisms can influence political engagement depending onindividual experiences, identities, and perceptions of events. 相似文献