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241.
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Variation in the timing of pubertal maturation may result in behavioral differences among early, mid-, and late maturers. Using data from the National Health Examination Survey, a national probability sample of children and youth aged 12–17, we investigated the relationships between maturational timing and body image, school behavior, and deviance. In terms of body image, the early maturing boys were the group most satisfied with height and weight. The early maturing girls were most dissatisfied with weight, with 69% wishing to be thinner. This great dissatisfaction with weight reported by early maturing girls is probably not an affect of early maturation, but a concomitant of maturation in general. The majority of girls became dissatisfied with their weight as they matured, and females from the higher social groups were more likely to want to be thinner than females from lower groups. Thus, a normal developmental process is being viewed negatively by females and positively by males. Male early maturers more often had deviant behavior, but there were no consistent findings for girls. There was no effect of maturational timing on teacher reports of school absence, adjustment, popularity, need for discipline, or grade repetition.This research was supported by the Stanford Center for the Study of Youth Development and by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.Received M.D. from The Medical College of Pennsylvania.Received Ph.D. in anthropology from Stanford University.Received Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Chicago.Received M.D. from Columbia College of Physicians and Surgeons.Received Ph.D. in psychology from Harvard University.  相似文献   
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For some years now, the phenomenon known as The New Right has been developing in the United States, and although there is growing recognition of its destructiveness, there is little understanding of its real nature.At first examination The New Right seems to hold contradictory or incongruous beliefs and values, but placed within the context of fascism, authoritarianism, and ultimately masculism, the whole system of doctrine begins to make sense.While ostensibly supporting traditionalist principles of Christianity, American patriotism, and free enterprise economics, The New Right really encompasses groups of individuals unable to negotiate the uncertainties of lived existence and the fear of death and non-being. Drawn, therefore, to the consciousness of authoritarian rigidity, they seek to reinforce a flimsy structure of salvation by insisting upon absolute agreement with their perspective.The entire system of thought and behavior rests upon an alienation from nature lodged in patriarchal, masculist consciousness.Understanding this structure helps us to deal more effectively with The New Right and reinforces our will to oppose it.  相似文献   
245.
Research evidence concerning product characteristics, consumer characteristics and product purchase situations is examined. Assumptions underlying consumer policy strategies directed at enhancing the ability of consumers to protect themselves and those strategies aimed at product quality control are analyzed in light of the evidence. Alternative policy strategies are analyzed for consumer incentives and with respect to product characteristics, consumer characteristics and product purchase situations. Recommendations regarding consumer protection policy strategies and for research concerning alternative policy strategies are provided. Illustrative policy strategies are included.  相似文献   
246.
This article aims to assess why technology such as improved crop varieties has not taken off in Tanzania in spite of substantial efforts, and to consider what role policy plays in that regard. Few farmers use improved varieties due to reasons such as affordability in relation to the low profitability of farming; high risk, including fake seed in the market; and unpredictable policies and marketing opportunities. Effective governance is needed for agriculture to be transformed in the direction stated in national policy documents, but weak institutions and the collective interests of farmers not being sufficiently recognised hinder the likelihood of necessary technological changes happening.  相似文献   
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Domestic violence victims often have economic and employment needs that either directly or indirectly stem from their victimization. In their efforts to seek services, victims may turn to benefits workers who are given the task of providing clients with short-term financial help, job training, access to health care, and assistance in obtaining a job. It is not clear whether benefits workers are adequately prepared to help domestic violence victims. In this study, 189 social services workers from the Commonwealth of Virginia were surveyed to assess the training needs of all social services workers. This article focuses on the specific training needs of benefits workers and draws comparisons between benefits workers’ training needs and other workers’ needs. The findings suggest that benefits workers are perceived as knowing less about domestic violence than other social services workers. Implications are discussed. This research was supported by a contract from the Virginia Institute of Social Services Training Activities  相似文献   
249.
Every actor who commands coercive resources plays a relevant role in the complex processes of state restructuring following regime change. The role of armies in the 2010–2011 Arab uprisings has been widely explored, but limited attention has been devoted to how different agents with coercive power have been involved in the restructuring of political order. This contribution presents the theoretical framework within which the remaining empirical contributions are situated. The central insight is that better understanding of the emerging political orders requires moving away from binary notions of hierarchy and anarchy as ordering principles and look at how, within heterarchical political orders, coercive agents behave within fluid state–society relations.  相似文献   
250.
In this paper, I discuss the swing to the (far-)right in (Austrian) party politics during the election campaign and national election on October 15, 2017. This transformation is caused, I claim, by a process of normalisation, an accommodation to the, sometimes also extreme-right, agenda of formerly right-wing populist parties such as the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ). The election campaign of both the Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP) and the FPÖ focussed primarily on migration and refugee politics, based on a politics of fear and resentment. After first attempting to define the phenomenon of right-wing populism, I trace how tabooed and extreme right contents slowly became acceptable, as soon as the ÖVP shamelessly integrated some (not all) aspects of the FPÖ’s election program.  相似文献   
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