全文获取类型
收费全文 | 51篇 |
免费 | 2篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 6篇 |
工人农民 | 1篇 |
世界政治 | 5篇 |
法律 | 20篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 20篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 1篇 |
2019年 | 1篇 |
2017年 | 1篇 |
2016年 | 1篇 |
2014年 | 4篇 |
2013年 | 4篇 |
2012年 | 5篇 |
2011年 | 3篇 |
2010年 | 1篇 |
2009年 | 1篇 |
2008年 | 6篇 |
2007年 | 3篇 |
2006年 | 3篇 |
2005年 | 1篇 |
2004年 | 4篇 |
2003年 | 2篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有53条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
51.
DANIEL P. MEARS JOSHUA C. COCHRAN BRIAN J. STULTS SARAH J. GREENMAN AVINASH S. BHATI MARK A. GREENWALD 《犯罪学》2014,52(2):169-194
Age is the only factor used to demarcate the boundary between juvenile and adult justice. However, little research has examined how age guides the juvenile court in determining which youth within the juvenile justice system merit particular dispositions, especially those that reflect the court's emphasis on rehabilitation. Drawing on scholarship on the court's origins, attribution theory, and cognitive heuristics, we hypothesize that the court focuses on youth in the middle of the range of the court's age of jurisdiction—characterized in this article as “true” juveniles—who may be viewed as meriting more specialized intervention. We use data from Florida for court referrals in 2008 (N = 71,388) to examine the decision to proceed formally or informally and, in turn, to examine formally processed youth dispositions (dismissal, diversion, probation, commitment, and transfer) and informally processed youth dispositions (dismissal, diversion, and probation). The analyses provide partial support for the hypothesis. The very young were more likely to be informally processed; however, among the informally processed youth, the youngest, not “true” juveniles, were most likely to be diverted or placed on probation. By contrast, among formally processed youth, “true” juveniles were most likely to receive traditional juvenile court responses, such as diversion or probation. 相似文献
52.
SARAH SORIAL 《Ratio juris》2011,24(1):25-48
In this paper, I argue that Habermas' proceduralist model of law can be put to feminist ends in at least two significant ways. First, in presenting an alternative to the liberal and welfare models of laws, the proceduralist model offers feminism a way out of the equality/difference dilemma. Both these attempts to secure women's equality by emphasising women's sameness to men or their difference from men have placed the onus on women to either find a way of integrating themselves into existing institutions or to confront the so‐called question of women's difference. The proceduralist model renders this dilemma irrelevant. Instead, it proceeds from the fact of sexual difference; a fact that produces competing and conflicting needs and interests that require interpretation by both men and women. This, I argue, marks a change in the very way we conceptualise the so‐called problem of women's difference, insofar as the question is no longer framed in these terms. Second, I argue that this deliberative process over the interpretation of conflicting interests affects a fundamental shift in the nature of legal institutions themselves, insofar as law is no longer a vehicle for promoting male interests. 相似文献
53.
SARAH BIRCH 《European Journal of Political Research》2023,62(1):95-117
The global increase in extreme weather events in recent years has spurred political scientists to examine the potential political effects of such phenomena. This paper explores effect of flooding on electoral outcomes and offers evidence that the impact of adverse events varies with changes in political context. Using a difference-in-differences identification strategy to analyse three consecutive general elections in the United Kingdom (2015, 2017 and 2019), the paper finds variability in partisan electoral benefit from one election to the next that calls into question the blind retrospection and rally-round-the-leader explanations which are often advanced to account for electoral reactions to natural disasters. Instead, changing party positions on environmental issues appear to account more convincingly for shifts in electoral support in response to flooding. This suggests that parties can derive benefit from, or be punished for, the positions they take on environmental issues when extreme weather events affect citizens. 相似文献