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241.
Sandra K. McCallum 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1984,27(4):611-616
Abstract: This paper examines the historical foundation of the legal framework of the duties and responsibilities of the civil servant. Historically the crown could not be sued in tort and it seemed appropriate then to sue the individual servant who had created the wrong. In the mid-twentieth century, the crown was made liable in tort vicariously, so the liability of the civil servant was preserved in order to set up the vicarious liability of the crown. Generally the crown indemnifies its servant. It is argued here that the vicarious liability of the crown, and the consequent need to keep the personal liability of the civil servant, is an anachronism which stands in the way of a proper airing of the issues between citizens and government. It favours neither the wrongdoer nor the wronged and should be abolished. Moreover, it leaves to the court the important policy questions which should be dealt with by the legislature on a conceptual basis, not by the court on a case-by-case ad hoc basis. Sommaire: Cette étude examine le fondement historique du cadre juridique des devoirs et des responsabilitks des fonctionnaires. Autrefois, il était impossible d'intenter une action én dommages-intérêts contre la Couronne; il fallait plutôt intenter une action contre le fonctionnaire responsable de l'acte délictueux. Au milieu du vingtième siècle, la Couronne s'est vu attribuer la responsabilité délictueuse du fait d'autrui, la responsabilité des fonctionnaires devant être conservée de façon à assigner la Couronne comme commettant. En général, aujourd'hui, la Couronne prend fait et cause pour ses fonctionnaires et les indemnise. L'auteur soutient que la responsabilité du fait d'autrui conférée à la Couronne et la nécessitié de maintenir la responsabilité personnelle du fonctionnaire sont des anachronismes qui font obstacle à un débat ouvert entre le public et le gouvernement. Ce système ne f avorise ni celui qui a commis le délit ni celui qui en a souffert, et devrait donc être aboli. De plus, il laisse aux tribunaux le soin de résoudre d'importants problèmes de politiques qui devraient être traités par le Parlement selon une approche conceptuelle et non par les tribunaux suivant les circonstances de chaque cas. 相似文献
242.
China’s rise is increasingly impacting on the global financial and monetary order. To manage its growing centrality in global financial flows and its new relevance for patterns of currency usage, Beijing has been creating a set of new institutional arrangements in three crucial fields: the provision of crisis liquidity, development financing, and a global infrastructure to internationalize its currency. In contrast to the dominant power political interpretation of such developments, this article highlights the strong linkages of Beijing’s new initiatives with the changes in China’s capitalist development path and stresses their experimental character that serves to manage the economic and political risks of China’s accelerating financial internationalization. With a distinct learning attitude regarding its rising geoeconomic prominence and engagement, Beijing’s risk-averse strategy involves a very careful linking, layering, and nesting of new arrangements. 相似文献
243.
Shelby Elaine McDonald Rosalie Corona Anna Maternick Frank R. Ascione James Herbert Williams Sandra A. Graham-Bermann 《Journal of family violence》2016,31(7):849-864
This study examined patterns of intimate partner violence (IPV) exposure and three domains of competence among 288 children recruited from community-based domestic violence agencies. Latent profile analysis (LPA) was performed to identify subgroups of children who differed based on levels of social, academic, and extracurricular competence and exposure to IPV. Five distinct latent profiles were identified: Frequent IPV Exposure-Low Activity Competence (39 % of children), Frequent IPV Exposure-Average Global Competence (31 % of children), Frequent IPV Exposure-High Global Competence (13 % of children), Low IPV Exposure-Compromised School Competence (11 % of children), and Low IPV Exposure-Compromised Global Competence (6 % of children). Covariates distinguished between the profiles (e.g., yearly household income, maternal education, number of children in the household) and the groups were characterized by statistically significant mean differences in total behavior problems. Implications for future research and community-based preventive intervention efforts are discussed. 相似文献
244.
Liane Ioannou Sandra Braaf Peter Cameron Stephen J. Gibson Jennie Ponsford Paul A. Jennings Carolyn A. Arnold Nellie Georgiou-Karistianis Melita J. Giummarra 《Psychological injury and law》2016,9(4):376-389
Seeking or receiving compensation after injury is frequently associated with poor recovery. Previous research has shown that the stressful nature of compensation procedures and perceived injustice may cause secondary harm. This study examined compensation system experiences in compensation claimants in Victoria, Australia, and explored the relationship between these experiences and injury outcomes. One hundred and sixty compensable patients (120 male, 75.0 %) aged 18–67 years (M?=?43.01, SD?=?14.31), hospitalized for an injury in a motor vehicle crash (n?=?137) or at work (n?=?23), participated. Participants completed questionnaires about compensation system experience, pain, and psychological symptoms 12 months after injury. Principal component analysis (PCA) of the compensation system experience items revealed three components explaining 66.64 % of the variance in compensation experience: (1) “negative procedural experience” (47.29 %), (2) “compensation supported recovery” (10.43 %), and (3) “positive procedural experience” (8.92 %). Worse experience on all components was associated with worse pain (severity, interference, catastrophizing, disability) and psychological symptoms (anxiety, depression, PTSD, perceived injustice). Compensation system experience reflected both negative and positive procedural factors, and feeling supported through recovery. Most participants reported having positive experiences; however, those who were frustrated or stressed from compensation procedures had worse pain and psychological health outcomes. While this association is likely to be bidirectional with “non-recovery” also impacting on compensation experience appraisals, compensation schemes should nonetheless address modifiable sources of procedural injustice (e.g., arduous paperwork and approvals processes) and reinforce procedures that generate perceptions of support (e.g., timely and appropriate access to health services). 相似文献
245.
This special issue examines the consequences of the ongoing power transition in the world economy for global regulatory regimes, especially the variation in rising powers' transition from rule-takers to rule-makers in global markets. This introductory article presents the analytical framework for better understanding those consequences, the Power Transition Theory of Global Economic Governance (PTT-GEG), which extends the scope of traditional power transition theory to conflict and cooperation in the international political economy and global regulatory governance. PTT-GEG emphasizes variation in the institutional strength of the regulatory state as the key conduit through which the growing market size of the emergent economies gives their governments leverage in global regulatory regimes. Whether or not a particular rising power, for a particular regulatory issue, invests its resources in building a strong regulatory state, however, is a political choice, requiring an analysis of the interplay of domestic and international politics that fuels or inhibits the creation of regulatory capacity and capability. PTT-GEG further emphasizes variation in the extent to which rising powers' substantive, policy-specific preferences diverge from the established powers' preferences as enshrined in the regulatory status quo. Divergence should not be assumed as given. Distinct combinations of these two variables yield, for each regulatory regime, distinct theoretical expectations about how the power transition in the world economy will affect global economic governance, helping us identify the conditions under which rule-takers will become regime-transforming rule-makers, regime-undermining rule-breakers, resentful rule-fakers, or regime-strengthening rule-promoters, as well as the conditions under which they remain weakly regime-supporting rule-takers. 相似文献
246.
This article analyzes China's and India's role as emerging rulemakers in one of the most contested fields of international cooperation: labor mobility. It shows how both countries have seized the trade venue to negotiate labor mobility clauses that go well beyond the original preferences of established powers. Whereas India's more vocal claims have faced resistance, China's success in concluding far-reaching bilateral deals with Western countries is explained with stronger domestic regulatory capability and capacity. Maintaining a technocratic approach in trade negotiations, supported by the centralization of relevant competences in the trade ministry and consistently synchronizing external commitments with domestic reforms, China has been able to convey its market power into regulatory influence. As a result, the global standard for negotiating mobility in trade agreements has risen – notwithstanding the enduring stalemate at the multilateral level. 相似文献
247.
248.
Marina Aliste M.Sc. Sandra Arranz M.Sc. Alicia Sánchez-Ortega Ph.D. M. Carmen Sampedro Ph.D. Nora Unceta Ph.D. Alberto Gómez-Caballero Ph.D. Asier Vallejo Ph.D. Maria Aranzazu Goicolea Ph.D. Ramón J. Barrio Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(4):1094-1101
Currently, aluminum stub with carbon adhesive devices are used to collect inorganic gunshot residues (GSR) from the hands of a shooter. In an ideal shooting case, the gunshot particles do not persist for more than 2 h in the hands of the shooter, provided that the hands have not been washed. However, for forensic analysis and inference, the extended persistence of GSR would be desirable. This study investigates a novel GSR sampling and detection protocol. Sampling was performed in the nostrils using swab devices impregnated in ethylenediaminetetraacetic acid (EDTA). The GSRs persisted for longer periods in nasal mucus than on the hands, and particles were detected 6 h after shooting occurred. The analytical determination was conducted by scanning laser ablation-inductively coupled plasma-mass spectrometry (SLA-ICPMS) which enable the identification of the number of particles and their elemental composition. Seventeen isotope signals corresponding to 13C, 205Tl and 15 analytes that are usually associated with the composition of GSR residues were monitored: 27Al, 29Si, 31P, 33S, 35Cl, 39K, 44Ca, 57Fe, 60Ni, 63Cu, 66Zn, 118Sn, 121Sb, 137Ba, and 208Pb. The SLA technique enabled the reduction of the swab analysis time to 40 min. The effectiveness of this methodology was evaluated with two types of firearms: a pistol and a shotgun. The results indicated that the methodology proposed for the analysis of the nasal GSR was effective and that it can improve or complement the forensic analyses and inferences presented in a court. 相似文献
249.
ABSTRACT This paper shows that the role of national electoral dynamics on regional elections is highly mediated by institutional and electoral constraints at the regional level. Using data on statewide parties’ electoral competition in regional and national elections in Spain and Italy, results show that the contamination of regional elections is lower in regions where decentralization has travelled further and where strong regionalist parties dominate electoral competition. The paper also shows that these two channels -more regional authority and more regionalist competition- shape the regional manifestos of statewide parties by increasing their pro-regional positions. These findings represent a contribution to a better understanding of the extent to which regional elections are a separate electoral arena from the national one. 相似文献
250.
The multiple principal problem refers to multiple collective action problems that organizations face when they must balance (competing) interests of multiple stakeholders under joint service delivery. It negatively affects different types of organization, yet we know little about how organizations (can) mitigate it. We expand a framework based on principal–agent theory, review the literature, and consider implications for effective governance of joint service delivery in the public sector. We observe that joint service delivery can lead to free‐riding and duplication in monitoring, lobbying by principals, and increased autonomy for agents, leading to inefficiency. We build a research agenda and tentatively suggest, based on the literature, that an interface approach, where an elected unitary actor is placed in a middle tier between politics and service delivery, might best mitigate the multiple principal problem, which is currently not dealt with effectively in public management. 相似文献