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181.
Reimut Zohlnhöfer Dr. 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2001,42(4):655-682
The paper develops a model to explain the labour market and employment policies of the Christian-liberal coalition in Germany between 1982 and 1998. It takes partisan theory as its starting point, but expands it by taking into account the effects of party competition and veto players as well. For the first period of observation, the years 1982 to 1989/90, only moderate reforms can be observed. This can be explained by the fear of the coalition that more far-reaching reforms could exert negative effects on its electoral performance on the one hand, and by the strong influence of the labour union wing of the Christian democratic party on the respective policies on the other hand. During the first years after German unification the government could not implement far reaching partisan reforms either. This was due to the necessity of reacting to the external shock of the unification and the problems associated with it. Only during the last three years in office the coalition was able to push through more coherent reforms due to the huge problems on the labour marker which put the government’s re-election at risk. These reforms could be carried through because the CDU’s labour wing had lost its veto power and because the Bundesrat’s approval was not necessary. 相似文献
182.
ABSTRACTIn this study, we contributed on research of policing cyberspace by analysing how different stakeholder groups (nodal clusters) participate in the formal security network during detecting and handling of data system break-ins in practice. The goal of this article was to study whether citizens have roles within the security network. The analysis was based on data system break-ins (n = 220) reported to the Finnish national computer emergency response team, CERT-FI, in 2012. We detected five types of nodal clusters: computer emergency response teams (CERTs), companies, public organisations, private persons and associations. The roles of nodal clusters were described by using cultural, social, political, economic and symbolic capital. However, the results show that there are differences not only between the nodal clusters but also inside them regarding their positioning within the network. We argue that instead of a type of nodal cluster, division based on the roles and individual needs could be more relevant. Recognition of roles could encourage netizens to co-produce cybersecurity from their respective premises. 相似文献
183.
This paper aims to advance knowledge about corporate environmentalism by using new concepts and methods. We broaden the concept of the firm as “differentiated composite actor” by including not only managers but workers and unionists as actors. We descend into the “hidden abode of production” using Lefebvre’s concept of “everyday life” to explore the barriers environmental policies experience in this sphere. We base our explorations on life-history interviews to understand how the imaginaries of production are embedded in people’s self-conceptions. We identify seven barriers to the implementation of environmental practices: deficient regulations, collusion between controller and controlled, de-prioritisation, hierarchism, compartmentalisation, specialisation, and social unsustainability. A “necessity discourse,” legitimating the priority of efficiency and product quality over environmental sustainability, subjugates alternative sustainable practices. The paper concludes with a discussion of the results in the light of previous investigations, suggesting that the concept of the everyday could enrich future research. 相似文献
184.
Participatory policies seeking to foster active citizenship continue to be dominated by a territorial imagination. Yet, the world where people identify and perform as citizens is spatially multifarious. This article engages with the tension between territorially grounded perceptions and relational modes of practicing political agency. Studying empirically the Finnish child and youth policies, we address jointly the participatory obligations that municipalities strive to fulfill, and the spatial attachments that children and young people establish in their lived worlds. To this end, we introduce the concept of lived citizenship as an interface where the territorially-bound public administration and the plurality of spatial attachments characteristic to transnational living may meet. We conclude by proposing a re-grounding of lived citizenship in both topological and topographical terms as an improvement in theoretical understanding of mundane political agency and as a step towards more proficient participatory policies. 相似文献
185.
Sholts SB Walker PL Kuzminsky SC Miller KW Wärmländer SK 《Journal of forensic sciences》2011,56(2):333-338
Identifying group affinity from human crania is a long-standing problem in forensic and physical anthropology. Many craniofacial differences used in forensic skeletal identification are difficult to quantify, although certain measurements of the midfacial skeleton have shown high predictive value for group classifications. This study presents a new method for analyzing midfacial shape variation between different geographic groups. Three-dimensional laser scan models of 90 crania from three populations were used to obtain cross-sectional midfacial contours defined by three standard craniometric landmarks. Elliptic Fourier transforms of the contours were used to extract Fourier coefficients for statistical analysis. After cross-validation, discriminant functions based on the Fourier coefficients provided an average of 86% correct classifications for crania from the three groups. The high rate of accuracy of this method indicates its usefulness for identifying group affinities among human skeletal remains and demonstrates the advantages of digital 3D model-based analysis in forensic research. 相似文献
186.
The clinical forensic examinations conducted at the Institute of Legal Medicine of the Hanover Medical School between 1999 and 2008 in cases of suspected sexual abuse of children were evaluated retrospectively and analysed with regard to their legal outcome. In total, the study included 223 children (172 girls, 51 boys) with a median age of 8.6 years. In 34 children (15.2%), forensically relevant diagnostic findings due to anogenital injury and/or detection of semen were recorded. Perpetrators were convicted more often when they were not a member of the victim's family. In cases with victims aged seven years or older, conviction was more common. The study shows that medical findings can best be preserved by an immediate clinical forensic examination. Suspected sexual child abuse can often not be proved by medical examination results, but in some cases diagnostic findings are not mandatory for conviction. 相似文献
187.
Laberke PJ Wiprächtiger N Wittig H Hausmann R Balitzki B 《Archiv für Kriminologie》2011,227(5-6):181-187
The presented case report describes the exclusion of the suspect of a sexual offence by means of methods of molecular genetics. Pretests for prostate-specific antigen performed at the beginning of the investigation and cytological sperm tests were negative. Nevertheless, by combining the methods of differential lysis and DNA quantification a small number of spermatozoa could be demonstrated in the trace evidence. Subsequently, the profile of the woman's boyfriend, with whom she had had unprotected vaginal intercourse two days before the incident, could be detected in the fraction of the hard lysis. 相似文献
188.
Alcohol has been the most important knockout drug in history and literature and continues to play an essential role up to now. Blunt force to the head in the form of a knockout punch is another mechanism leading to a transient loss of consciousness. Diethyl ether and chloroform are among the classical knockout substances. Although they have meanwhile been replaced by modern sedatives and hypnotics, their use is still observed in isolated cases. 相似文献
189.
The recent school shootings in Europe and the USA have raised the question of whether victims of bullying run an increased risk of committing violent crimes later in life, but scientific research in this area is scarce. The aim of this work was to investigate whether bullying behaviour is associated with later criminal offences committed in adolescence and young adulthood. We studied a sample of 508 Finnish adolescents (age 12-17 years) admitted to psychiatric inpatient care between April 2001 and March 2006. Data on crimes committed and the age of onset of criminal activity were extracted from the official criminal records of the national Legal Register Centre in October 2008. The Schedule for Affective Disorder and Schizophrenia for School-Age Children, Present and Lifetime (K-SADS-PL) was used to define bullying status, and to obtain DSM-IV-based psychiatric diagnoses for the adolescents. Violent crimes were statistically significantly associated with bullying behaviour, but not non-violent crimes. Furthermore, being a bully was predictive of an early onset of severe violent offences. When controlled for the psychiatric diagnoses of the adolescents, we observed decreased likelihood of criminality among victims. Thus bullying others may increase the risk of violent offences, while being a victim is not a risk factor for criminality. 相似文献
190.
Abstract: Historically, Swiss identity was founded on beliefs in federalism, direct democracy and armed neutrality. Given continued popular support for autonomous self‐defense in an era of transnational threats, it is worth examining whether a small economically interdependent state, such as Switzerland, is single‐handedly capable of providing for its own security. To preview our conclusions, every facet of Switzerland’s security, whether against military threats, terrorism or natural disasters, today benefits from substantial international inputs. At base, Switzerland’s increasing security dependence has been driven by the following dynamics: 1) the general development of institutionalized international cooperation; 2) the evolving nature of the threats Switzerland faces; and 3) political efforts to “securitize” issues not hitherto considered as security problems. Because Swiss security dependence owes more to broad structural factors than deliberate choices, policymakers would be better off embracing this reality by proactively using international organizations to address transnational challenges. 相似文献