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221.
The application of supercritical fluid chromatography (SFC) in forensic science is reviewed. The applications centre on the analysis of explosives and of drugs of abuse. The systems employed are discussed in the context of comparison with gas chromatography and high-performance liquid chromatography methods which are traditionally used for such analyses. The advantages and disadvantages of SFC over these methods are discussed. Recommendations are made for the developments which are required in SFC technology if it is to find greater application in forensic science.  相似文献   
222.
The aim of the present study was to compare coping styles in delinquent adolescents (n=178) versus matched controls (n=91) from the Arkhangelsk region in Northern Russia and to test for possible interrelations with personality traits and parental rearing factors. The samples were assessed by means of the Coping Scale for Children and Youth (CSCY), the Temperament and Character Inventory (TCI), and the EMBU questionnaire on parental rearing. The delinquents differed significantly from the controls on most aspects of the coping styles under investigation. Furthermore, some specific correlational patterns between coping styles and both personality dimensions and parental rearing factors emerged. The findings are discussed in the light of the interactive nature of relations between personality and parental rearing in the development of coping styles.  相似文献   
223.
Guaraná is a product from the seeds of the Amazonian liana Paullinia cupana that is also cultivated since a couple of years. It is rich in caffeine and serves in Brasil for the production of stimulants, soft drinks, and sweets. In the drug scene it is sometimes trafficked as natural stimulant or drug surrogate. Microscopic examination shows the presence of starch and tannins and provides a simple, quick and cheap method to distinguish guaraná from drugs of abuse.  相似文献   
224.
The paper looks at whether public attitudes towards a single European currency held in the European Union member states reflect a rational evaluation of the involved benefits and costs. It finds that they do: the looser monetary and fiscal policy was in the past, and the more time a country spent in the EMS, the more citizens welcome the euro. Attitudes towards the euro do not seem consistent with attitudes towards a European Central Bank, however. Upon closer scrutiny, opponents of a single currency appear to be less consistent and less rational in their responses than proponents.  相似文献   
225.
The continuity of Type A behavior during childhood, preadolescence, and adolescence was studied in 1403 randomly selected children. The subjects' Type A behavior was evaluated by their mothers and also self-rated by preadolescents and adolescents using the AFMS (Type A Behavior for the Finnish Multicenter Study) questionnaire, which is a method based on the Matthews Youth Test for Health and the Swedish version of the Jenkins Activity Survey. The results showed that when mothers' assessments were used, Type A behavior was very highly and homotypically stable during the periods studied, and there were no sex- and age-related differences. Among the different components of Type A pattern, impatience-aggression exhibited slightly greater stability than leadership-sense of responsibility. Mothers' assessments had predictive significance in the self-ratings given three years later, especially in girls, while the continuity of the self-ratings over adolescence was rather low.Received Ph.D. from University of Helsinki. Research interests: psychosomatics, behavioral medicine and social development of a child.  相似文献   
226.
Schütz  Anton 《Law and Critique》2000,11(2):107-136
After the failure of all enterprises in legal ontology, and after the success of all enterprises in legal system internal theodicy, the field of legal theory is now open to receive a range of more complex, less universalist, less politicised, but also more personally shaped, more fragile suggestions. My article focusses on three such ways of dealing with the law question: the work of Pierre Legendre, a French psychoanalyst and specialist of the history of administrative law and Christian religion, the work of Niklas Luhmann, the recently deceased founder of a new German schoolof sociological systems theory, and that of Giorgio Agamben, an Italian philosopher whose re-opening of the discussion on the Benjaminian notion of bare life and its relationship to law has provoked worldwide attention. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   
227.
Migration influx in Western countries resulting in increasingly diverse societies results in more complex situations for bureaucrats in their client interactions in welfare organizations. The role of discretion for services to clients has received much attention in the public administration research and therefore this study explores the relation among perceived workload, anti-immigration attitudes, perceived discretion, and perceived difficulty in working with migrants. The paper examines the function of perceived discretion as moderator or mediator variable in this constellation. The relations are examined by using structural equation modelling based on a survey among Swedish welfare bureaucrats (N = 1,319). The results show that heavier perceived workload increased the likelihood of experiencing work with migrants as difficult and that greater perceived discretion decreased the likelihood of experiencing work with migrants as difficult. The results suggest that perceived discretion functions as a mediator for the relation between perceived workload and difficulty in work with migrants: potentially functioning as a ‘buffer’ for organizational pressure. We also found that bureaucrats who hold negative attitudes towards migrants were more likely to express their work with migrants as more difficult. This paper contributes to the public administration literature by increasing our knowledge on how discretion has significance in relation to when bureaucrat's behaviour is determined by specific organizational and personal factors.  相似文献   
228.
The process of coalition formation following the 2017 Bundestag election was the most difficult in German post-war history. For the first time, Germany saw negotiations fail, a minority government being discussed as a real possibility, and the federal president involved as formateur in coalition politics. The aim of this contribution is to explain why government formation was so intricate after the 2017 election. To this end, we trace patterns of party politics and the development of the German party system since 2013. We then study general patterns of government formation at the regional and national levels since the 1990s and evaluate whether these have changed with the advent of the right-wing populist party, Alternative for Germany. Our analysis of the 2017–2018 government formation is based on a novel expert survey of the policy profiles of German parties on various issue dimensions, conducted in 2017. The results show that the continuation of the incumbent coalition government of Christian and Social Democrats was the most likely outcome, and that the Social Democrats were indeed able to enforce a surpassing share of their policy positions in the final negotiation rounds.  相似文献   
229.
230.
This introduction connects some of the main themes covered in this special issue on Chancellor Merkel's second coalition cabinet, which was formed in October 2009 and ended with the electoral collapse of the FDP in the Bundestag election of September 2013. It starts by setting out an interesting ‘puzzle’: the parties forming the coalition of 2009–2013 (CDU, CSU and FDP) had expressed a strong preference for this coalition in the run-up to the election of 2009. Despite their seeming agreement in many policy areas, the coalition formed in 2009 faced tough negotiations and conflicts between the parties from the beginning. The economic crisis the preceding government faced between 2005 and 2009 and unforeseen events during the course of the CDU/CSU–FDP coalition 2009–2013 (e.g. the Euro crisis and the Fukushima environmental disaster) had altered the policy agenda in important ways and rendered the former ‘Christian–Liberal reform project’ obsolete.  相似文献   
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