论我国现有化学品环境管理立法

化学品是现代文明社会重要的物质基础,被广泛应用于各个领域.全球化学品产量从1930年的100万吨发展到今天的4亿吨.作为化学品生产和使用的大国,我国市场上流通的化学品数以万计,但是针对现有化学品的环境管理尚处于落后阶段.本文针对我国化学品生产使用与立法管理相脱节的情况,分析了我国现有化学品环境管理立法的必要性和可行性,提出了立法的指导思想和框架,并给出了具体的制度设计,以期使我国现有化学品环境管理尽早实现有法可依,从而达到保护公民身体健康和促进环境无毒的目的.     

Rising Confidence Behind the “Chinese Dream”

Since November 2012, the Chinese leaders have been calling for the Chinese people to become confident in achieving the “Chinese Dream”. Given the mounting political, economic and social problems that China is facing and low rankings China receives on some key indicators on a global scale of comparison, one has to wonder where China’s confidence comes from. This study suggests that what gives China the reasons to be confident is not how well China has been performing in absolute terms, but how China has been performing relative to its neighboring countries. This study has selected three of China’s biggest neighbors, Japan, Russia and India, to compare with China on seven systems of performance assessment which cover the areas of government effectiveness, economic confidence, foreign direct investment confidence, intentional homicide, gender gap, international tourism, and global competitiveness. It finds that while Japan is still ahead of China in a few areas of performance assessment, China is closing in on Japan fast. On the other hand, Russia and India are trailing China in most areas of performance assessment and the gap between them is widening. Throughout the 20th Century, Russia, China and India all struggled to pursue their dreams of becoming strong and prosperous in the face of challenges from the Western powers. Today, China seems one step ahead of the rest toward achieving its dream. Behind the “Chinese Dream” project is the rising confidence about China’s current position and China’s future.     

非营利组织专职人员身份认同与专业化研究

基于非营利组织在我国经济与社会发展中的功能与面临的挑战,该文采用定性与定量分析相结合的研究方法,对非营利组织专职人员的专业化现状进行大量的问卷调查与个案访谈,将专业水平操作化为基础知能、专业知能和专业精神三个变量进行测量,发现专职人员普遍存在着低学历,专业技能缺乏和专业精神错位,即整体的专业水平较低的问题.采用SPSS分析软件对影响专业水平和专业身份认同程度的各因素进行频数和相关性分析.通过探讨当前非营利组织专职者专业水平较低的原因和专业化发展需要解决的问题,提出建议:一是完善高校非营利组织工作专业人才的培养机制;二是强化非营利组织专职人员的技能培训;三是树立科学的非营利组织工作专业理念;四是提高非营利组织专职人员的待遇.     

Shen Jiaben and the Late Qing Legal Reform (1901–1911)

Shen Jiaben, the late Qing scholar-bureaucrat, was made into a hero by the times during the Xin Zheng period which was a reaction to the failed 103-Days Reform in 1898 characterized by utopianism. Shen’s experience within the bureaucracy and his pragmatic approach in reforms were needed by the Qing rulers at that time. Shen was gradually forgotten after the collapse of the Qing dynasty and the repeated failures of the Chinese attempts to achieve constitutionalism. He was re-discovered in the last two decades among mainland China scholars, because his piece by piece approach in reforming the legal system without grand theories happened to be in agreement with the atmosphere among Chinese scholars, who after the failure of the 1989 Tiananmen Event, had gradually developed a consensus to reform China’s political system piece by piece, not through grand theories.     

共产党员要以党的宗旨和党员标准立德修身——学习江泽民同志“七．一”讲话的体会

共产党员的思想素质和道德水平关系着国家的兴盛,民族的复兴,因此,共产党员必须立德修身,才能全心全意为人民服务,从而保证我们党的先进性.     

Leadership change, legitimacy, and party transition in China

Using Max Weber’s theory of legitimacy and transition, this article suggests that the biggest challenge for China’s new leadership is to transform the Communist Party into an institutionalized ruling party. After analyzing the scenarios of democratization, legitimation, decay, or repression, resulting from the interactions between public contention and the ruling elite, this article argues that the CCP has accomplished the transition from a revolutionary to a reformist party but is now somewhere between claiming to “govern for the people” and “hanging on to power.” To become an institutionalized ruling party, the CCP needs to curtail official corruption and control its membership growth. There are, however, some serious political and personal limitations that China’s new leaders will have to overcome. He received his M.A. and Ph.D. in political science from Yale University in 1988 and 1992 respectively. He has been a visiting scholar at Harvard University, research fellow at the Salzburg Seminar in Austria, and a visiting senior fellow at the East Asian Institute of the National University of Singapore. His research interests include Chinese political institutions and leadership changes, theories of international relations, Taiwan-Strait relations, and U.S.-China relations. He is the author ofParty vs. State in Post-1949 China: The Institutional Dilemma (Cambridge University Press, 1997). The author wishes to thank John Watt, Joshua Forrest and two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments on the draft version of this article.     

Ethnic Peace in the Taiwan Strait

The Taiwan Strait has often been referred to as one of the world’s most dangerous hotspots and many dire predictions have been made about a military conflict between mainland China and Taiwan, likely involving the United States. Yet, despite several crises in the Taiwan Strait and numerous war speculations, there has been no major armed conflict between Beijing and Taipei since the 1950s. How do we explain the puzzle that an expected war across the Taiwan Strait did not happen after all? This paper first examines the explanations based on military balance of power. Having found the realist/rationalist explanations less convincing, however, this study explores the explanatory power of the “ethnicity” factor. It suggests that when the Chinese society is no longer divided by ideological differences, the “ethnicity” may provide a more convincing explanation of why a military conflict has not happened in the Taiwan Strait in the past four decades. This paper also considers several counterarguments, including the neo-liberal argument of economic integration as a driving force for peace in the age of globalization. The paper concludes with a discussion of some policy implications resulting from the “ethnic peace” thesis and proposes that when actively promoted by the both sides, the Chinese ethnic identity is likely to be the most important strategic guarantee of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait for many years to come.     

中国东南亚研究现状:制度化阐释

本文认为,制度性因素对于中国的国际问题研究起到了决定性作用。而政府需求、中国与东盟的相互依赖以及大众传媒在中国的兴起则是影响中国东南亚研究的三个主要因素。这些因素提升了东南亚研究在中国的地位,促使东南亚研究以经济与政治(包括安全)为重点领域。但是另一方面,这三个因素却使中国的东南亚研究面临着学术贡献与政府需求、学术贡献与大众需求之间的艰难平衡,并有可能使中国的东南亚研究将自身置于满足政府和大众短期需求、损害长期能力建设的困境之中。因此,本文认为需要从机制的角度来考虑如何矫正中国东南亚研究中的建设与发展问题。