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Shireen Hassim 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2009,22(4):453-464
The South African transition from apartheid to democracy is one of the iconic developments of the late twentieth century coming
soon after the fall of the Berlin Wall. The country, led by a universally admired Nelson Mandela, seemed to embody the world’s
hopes for peace and democracy. In the aftermath of the first inclusive elections in 1994, South Africans adopted one of the
world’s finest constitutions and set up a modern and representative system of governance. However, the euphoria was not sustained.
Economic inequality rose; poverty appears intractable, and an increasingly angry citizenry seems less willing to adhere to
the liberal norms of tolerance and respect for difference. This article lays out some dimensions of the new conflicts detailing
the intolerance for outsiders and violence against women and gay and lesbian people. I argue that the quality of democracy
is not measured by its formal institutions important they may be. Rather, it is in the interactions between citizens in the
public sphere that we are able to ascertain the extent to which democratic values have become normalized. Viewed from this
perspective, it is evident that the legacies of distrust and antagonism continue to shape the possibilities of democratic
deliberation in the public sphere. 相似文献
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Mahtani Shireen Hasking Penelope Melvin Glenn A. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2019,48(4):753-770
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI) is particularly prevalent during adolescence and emerging adulthood. The salience of shame during these developmental periods... 相似文献
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Shireen Roshanravan 《New Political Science》2018,40(1):151-164
In “Unsettling the Privilege of Self-Reflexivity,” Andrea Smith argues that self-reflection is a deterrent to coalitional work and that in doing the work we will transform ourselves into coalitional beings. María Lugones, however, exposes how the “do-the-work-and-the-transformation-will-follow” formula does not address the lack of motivation to do coalitional work that challenges one’s sense of integrity as a good person. This article addresses the political problematic of “self-reflection” among the “relatively privileged” in feminist coalition work that requires disintegration of one’s unified sense of being committed to resistance against all oppressions. 相似文献
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The Dasht‐e‐Kawir in central Iran is a catchment, which includes saline, swampy areas and sandy land.
The system of water supply in the margins of the Dasht‐e‐Kawir is limited by the amount of underground water which can be extracted by qanats and wells.
Six kinds of qanats and two kinds of shallow wells have been recognized in the region.
A qanat is usually produced in six stages, of which measurement of the gradient is the most crucial for its successful construction. Thus, the construction of thirty qanats in the margin of Dasht‐e‐Kawir has been studied to determine the logical relationship between (a) the gradient, (b) the depth of main well, (c) the length and (d) the discharge of the qanat. 相似文献
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Rizvi SL Kaysen D Gutner CA Griffin MG Resick PA 《Journal of interpersonal violence》2008,23(6):853-868
This study examines peritraumatic (and posttrauma) responses in a sample of female crime victims who had been sexually or physically assaulted within the previous 2 months. Women were interviewed about their emotional and behavioral responses during the trauma and assessed for posttraumatic stress disorder and depression symptomatology. Results indicate that women experience a wide range of behavioral and emotional responses during a traumatic event and that these responses have implications for posttrauma adjustment. Women who experienced behaviors typical of a freeze response are more likely to have a greater degree of symptomatology after the assault. Peritraumatic emotions, other than fear, such as sadness, humiliation, and anger, also appear to be related to posttrauma depression symptoms. These findings highlight the necessity of exploring the full range of possible reactions during a trauma. 相似文献
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Shireen Khan Burki 《中东研究》2015,51(2):208-223
The Iranian Revolution, through Khomeini's consolidation measures, quickly morphed into an ‘Islamic Revolution’. Khomeini's regime abrogated popular legislation such as the Family Protection Laws of 1967 and 1975, which protected the rights of females, as the clerics sought to institute Shariah (Islamic) laws in an ‘Islamic Republic’. The historical record reveals that the precipitous legal transformation from secular to Shariah law under Ayatollah Khomeini's personal tutelage placed females in a dangerous predicament. Regressive gender policies, however, served to mobilize females to push back against the new social paradigm which had emerged under the rubric of Velayat-e-Fiqh. This article examines this misogynistic trajectory during Khomeini's rule and how it served to galvanize many Iranian women to ‘gender activism’. 相似文献
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Shireen T. Hunter 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(4):493-508
Following the events of 9/11, the US declared a global war on terror and a new strategy based on preemption for defeating Muslim extremism and terrorism. However, the new US strategy so far has not been more successful than earlier strategies in combating either Muslim extremism or international terrorism. Arguably, it may even have contributed to the strengthening of the appeal of Islamic extremism and certain terrorist groups such as al-Qaeda. The principal reason for this lack of success has been the historically inconsistent and contradictory approach of the US to dealing with the problem of Muslim militancy and its manipulation of it for short-term objectives. 相似文献