全文获取类型
收费全文 | 3817篇 |
免费 | 137篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 134篇 |
工人农民 | 125篇 |
世界政治 | 232篇 |
外交国际关系 | 125篇 |
法律 | 2661篇 |
中国政治 | 35篇 |
政治理论 | 629篇 |
综合类 | 13篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 27篇 |
2020年 | 49篇 |
2019年 | 53篇 |
2018年 | 77篇 |
2017年 | 90篇 |
2016年 | 82篇 |
2015年 | 70篇 |
2014年 | 78篇 |
2013年 | 281篇 |
2012年 | 88篇 |
2011年 | 112篇 |
2010年 | 80篇 |
2009年 | 89篇 |
2008年 | 112篇 |
2007年 | 85篇 |
2006年 | 106篇 |
2005年 | 90篇 |
2004年 | 98篇 |
2003年 | 97篇 |
2002年 | 93篇 |
2001年 | 187篇 |
2000年 | 134篇 |
1999年 | 106篇 |
1998年 | 39篇 |
1997年 | 48篇 |
1996年 | 35篇 |
1995年 | 51篇 |
1994年 | 45篇 |
1993年 | 54篇 |
1992年 | 81篇 |
1991年 | 87篇 |
1990年 | 80篇 |
1989年 | 63篇 |
1988年 | 86篇 |
1987年 | 81篇 |
1986年 | 98篇 |
1985年 | 109篇 |
1984年 | 87篇 |
1983年 | 80篇 |
1982年 | 38篇 |
1981年 | 37篇 |
1979年 | 34篇 |
1978年 | 32篇 |
1975年 | 32篇 |
1974年 | 45篇 |
1973年 | 24篇 |
1972年 | 27篇 |
1971年 | 31篇 |
1970年 | 30篇 |
1968年 | 32篇 |
排序方式: 共有3954条查询结果,搜索用时 109 毫秒
111.
Whether one votes and how one votes 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
The aim of this paper is to determine if whether one votes effects the vote that is cast. Using an economic model of voting and observed voting results on nuclear power referenda, the answer is a resounding yes. Overcoming registration, turnout, and “roll off” hurdles dramatically increases the odds of voting against nuclear power. Indeed, participation swamps both economic and preference variables in the explanation of nuclear power voting outcomes. The lesson is that there is a structure to participation at the polls that should not be ignored by those interested in analyzing voting outcomes. 相似文献
112.
Sona N. Golder 《Electoral Studies》2005,24(4):643-663
Despite the vast coalition literature, pre-electoral coalitions have never been at the center of any systematic, cross-national research. Given their prevalence and potential impact on government composition and policies, this represents a serious omission in our knowledge of coalitions. I begin to remedy this situation by testing two hypotheses found in the literature on party coalitions. The first is that pre-electoral coalitions are more likely to form in disproportional systems if there are a sufficiently large number of parties. The second is that pre-electoral coalitions are more likely to form if voters face high uncertainty about the identity of future governments. These hypotheses are tested using a new dataset comprising legislative elections in 22 advanced industrialized countries between 1946 and 1998. The results of the statistical analysis support the first hypothesis, but not the second. 相似文献
113.
A. Ribotti R. Sorgente A. Hanggono G. M. R. Manzella N. Hendiarti L. Fusco T. R. Adi Y. S. Djajadihardja A. R. Farhan M. C. G. Frederik W. F. Ma’ruf B. Realino V. Rupolo P. Ruti M. Sadly F. Syamsudin B. A. Subki 《Asia Europe Journal》2008,6(2):277-292
In 2005 Indonesian and European institutes joined to start the first step for the implementation of an Ocean Operational System
in the Indonesian archipelago. The system will support the decision making process for the sustainable use of marine resources,
providing useful information and added value products as well as a service for an improved management of the sea with high
business impact to targeted groups as public authorities and commercial operators (coastal managers, fishermen, shipping companies).
In this paper the System is shortly described with its potential benefits and economic and social impacts.
相似文献
A. Ribotti (Corresponding author)Email: |
R. Sorgente |
A. Hanggono |
G. M. R. Manzella |
N. Hendiarti |
L. Fusco |
T. R. Adi |
Y. S. Djajadihardja |
A. R. Farhan |
M. C. G. Frederik |
W. F. Ma’ruf |
B. Realino |
V. Rupolo |
P. Ruti |
M. Sadly |
F. Syamsudin |
B. A. Subki |
114.
Mark N. Katz 《Society》2008,45(2):177-180
This article compares Moscow’s and Washington’s foreign policies toward the Middle East in 1982 and 2008. In 1982, Moscow
and Washington each had a distinct set of friends and foes. In 2008, Washington still has a distinct set of friends and foes,
but Moscow has relatively good relations with all governments and most major opposition movements in the region—the only exceptions
being Al Qaeda and its affiliates. It is argued that Putin’s policy toward the Middle East is not really aimed at displacing
the U.S. in the region, but protecting Russia and Russian interests from Al Qaeda and its allies. Indeed, a continued American
presence in the region serves to protect Russian interests in the region.
相似文献
Mark N. KatzEmail: |
115.
116.
117.
N. T. Anders Strindberg 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(4):263-273
Abstract Violence against abortion clinics and other activities directed toward patients and staff of abortion facilities have been termed terrorism by the pro‐choice movement. However, the Federal Bureau of Investigation denies that these actions are terrorism. Instances of abortion clinic violence for 1982–1987 were examined in order to determine whether there is a correspondence between these incidents and definitions or models of terrorism. It appears that these incidents do fit the classification of “limited political” or ‘subrevolutionary” terrorism. Reasons why the FBI has made the decision not to include these acts as forms of terrorism are entertained. One is that current international tensions have resulted in a preoccupation with only certain types of events which for administrative, i.e., juris‐dictional, reasons have come to essentialize terrorism. Another explanation, posited by pro‐choice activists, is that the FBI's decision is a consequence of political influence: the current administration is openly anti‐choice. 相似文献
118.
119.
OBI N.I. EBBE 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2013,37(1-2):281-287
120.