Review Article: International Distributive Justice

The literature on global justice contains a number of distinct approaches. This article identifies and reviews recent work in four commonly found in the literature. First there is an examination of the cosmopolitan contention that distributive principles apply globally. This is followed by three responses to the cosmopolitanism, – the nationalist emphasis on special duties to co-nationals, the society of states claim that principles of global distributive justice violate the independence of states and the realist claim that global justice is utopian and that states should advance national interest.     

You're not going to stop my work, mate

This case highlights potential problems associated with theenforceability of restrictive covenants, and highlights theneed for well-crafted and realistic covenants.     

反恐时代的司法权

当一个政体陷入紧急状态中，民选的立法和行政机关往往倾向于以国家安全和公共安全的名义，采取剥夺公民权利的严厉措施，而司法部门就负有抵制民选机关的任务，来保护公民的基本权利。但因其非民选的先天特征而使司法机关在保护公民权利的行动中相对民选的政府部门缺乏正当性基础。因此本文寻求通过树立一种新的民主观念给予司法部门抵制民选机关的正当性基础，增强司法权力的法理地位，从而达到在甚至当今反恐战争如火如荼的时期仍能形成公民权利的一道坚实的制度性屏障。     

A comparison of the abuse experiences of male and female adults molested as children

Do the molestation experiences of boys and girls differ? The present study analyzed data from 365 adults molested as children, and compared findings for males and females on the identity of the perpetrator, age at onset and end of molestation, duration of molestation, type of sexual acts, and whether the molestation was reported to law enforcement. Results indicated that boys and girls were equally likely to be molested by natural fathers, girls were more likely to be molested by stepfathers, and boys were more likely to be molested by friends of the family. Molestation started at the same age for boys and girls, but lasted longer and ended at a later age for girls. Males and females were equally likely to experience fondling from the waist down and oral intercourse. However, there were significant differences for incidence of anal intercourse and fondling from the waist up. Findings are discussed in the context of previous research in the field.     

Dilution in the United States and European Union (and beyond) Part II: testing for blurring

Legal context. Dilution by blurring has often been accused ofbeing a vague concept which is difficult to understand and whichhas no sensible limits. Mindful of the need for certainty inthis area, the US Senate and House of Representatives have passedthe Trademark Dilution Revision Act 2006. This Bill (which isdiscussed more generally in Part I) includes a definition ofblurring and a six-point test for blurring. Meanwhile, the EuropeanUnion has been steadily building up jurisprudence in this area. Key points. This part of the article focuses on dilution byblurring, considering how blurring is defined, how it is testedfor and whether US and EU blurring protection is in compliancewith the jurisdictions’ international obligations in thisarea (discussed in Part I). In particular, it considers thenew definition of, and test for, blurring under the US TrademarkDilution Revision Act 2006, and compares the position underthat Bill to the situation in the EU. Practical significance. Assuming that it enters into law, theRevision Act 2006 has serious implications for the proprietorsof famous marks doing business in the US. This article willinform the owners of such marks what protection they will benefitfrom and how this will differ from the protection they willget in the EU.     

Democratic Legitimacy and the 2000 Election

Law and Philosophy -     

From Zero-sum Game to Positive-sum Game: why Beijing tolerates Pacific Island states' recognition of Taipei

The Pacific Islands region might be regarded as one of the most remote and politically least significant areas in the geopolitical and economic considerations of world giants. However, as the regional order of the Asia–Pacific changes rapidly, China has shown more eagerness to engage the island states. Interestingly, Beijing's former arch-rival Taipei still maintains, arguably, considerable influence over the region. This raises a question that is thought-provoking: why is this status quo tolerated by Beijing? Drawing on empirical sources in relation to communication between Beijing, Taipei and these island states, by focusing on how Beijing handles the South Pacific region in general and the six non-recognizing states in particular, this article attempts to tackle the question by distinguishing the difference in Beijing's mentality today from that of 30 or 40 years ago. It argues that the zero-sum mentality of fighting against Taipei in the region has now been replaced by a positive-sum assumption to engage Taipei, as well as the pan-Chinese community in the world, via the PIS, regardless of whether they establish formal ties with Beijing or not.