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771.
Simon Clarke 《Political studies》1999,47(4):627-642
This paper examines three arguments that attempt to justify liberal neutrality. Firstly the type of neutrality between conceptions of the good that is sought by the arguments is explained. Then the contractarian procedure that is one of the premises of each of the arguments is presented. The remaining sections then examine the arguments, which are Thomas Nagel's appeal to epistemic restraint, Brian Barry's appeal to the uncertainty thesis, and John Rawls's appeal to the burdens of judgement. The arguments attempt to show how the contractarian procedure results in liberal neutrality. They do so by trying to show how no conception of the good can be acceptable to everyone due to the epistemological status of conceptions of the good. It is concluded that none of the arguments succeeds. 相似文献
772.
Simon Hug 《West European politics》2013,36(6):1354-1357
773.
774.
After almost half a century of an unchanged distribution of seats among political parties in the federal government (Federal Council), the Swiss executive has experienced a new change in 2003. This change follows up on other changes in the past which occurred at irregular intervals. The question we wish to address in this paper is how these changes related to the electoral fortunes of the political parties. We find that electoral success does not translate directly into seat gains in the executive. A lag of up to two elections provides the best predictor. Thus, the rapid concession of a second seat to the SVP in 2003 is an outlier compared to the previous changes in the partisan composition of the Swiss government. 相似文献
775.
Simon Murden 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2000,27(1):25-47
The Arab‐Israeli peace process pointed to a resolution of the Middle East's most persistent conflict, as the Rabin and Peres governments developed a sensitivity to the Arab‐Israeli ‘security dilemma’, but by 1996 the process was deadlocked. Events stalled progress, but so did ingrained attitudes that continued to shape policy that was inconsistent with the peace process. The following article explains some of the Realist norms and values at the root of security thinking in Israel, and charts their inertia in Israeli policy during the peace process, focusing on its approach to Lebanon. The article gives an insight into why Rabin and his successors struggled to find an alternative policy towards Lebanon, and how this prolonged the Arab‐Israeli conflict. The efforts of the Netanyahu and Barak governments to find a solution to the policy problem of Lebanon are outlined. 相似文献
776.
777.
Simon Kear 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2001,12(3):65-86
This article examines the origins of the interests section and the indirect role played by Nasser in its creation. After providing a formal definition, it goes on to examine two case studies: first, the confluence of events that led to the first use by Egypt and West Germany in May 1965; second, the technical details involved in establishing the first British interests sections as occurred in the Anglo-Egyptian example of December 1965. It concludes that both case studies were innovative responses to unusual circumstances and offer potential gains for further research in the area of 'disguised' embassies. 相似文献
778.
Simon Stow 《Political science quarterly》2008,123(2):346-347
779.
Simon Kear 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》1999,10(1):215-239
Traditionally, there has been a rigid distinction made between British consular and diplomatic missions abroad: the former is concerned largely with trade, visas and the more mundane tasks of foreign representation, while the latter deals with the glamorous political world of interstate relationships at the highest level. As a general rule of thumb this may be true, but in accepting unequivocally this notion one overlooks those instances where a significant political role has been played by consulates. This article examines one such instance and in doing so raises questions relating to diplomatic and consular relations, disguised embassies, political reporting and the importance of experienced onsite personnel. 相似文献
780.
Simon Mundy 《冲突、安全与发展》2006,6(2):253-261
The cultural climate in the last year has changed globally with potential significance for stability. Unless politicians, defence forces and ministries learn to monitor cultural tensions as effectively as environmental ones, they will constantly find themselves surprised. Failing security is a symptom, not a cause, of social and political unrest. In much the same way the current rush to religion is symptomatic of the battle between conservative and liberal agendas, with conservative forces summoning renewed religious zeal to redefine identity and counteract freedom of movement, behaviour, expression and belief. It is a battle liberal thinkers cannot afford to lose. 相似文献