Analysing stages of subnational mobilisation across the European Union: The case of subnational administrations in Turkey

Subnational mobilisation literature has tended to focus on EU members and either their establishment of liaison offices or the engagement activities of their subnational administrations (SNAs) with the EU institutions in Brussels. Extending this scope to include cases from a candidate state, this article aims to enhance our understanding of such processes by proposing a four-stage model for subnational mobilisation in the EU. The model includes: growing awareness; changing organizational settings; building transnational activities; and conducting EU-level activities in Brussels. Based on 65 semi-structured interviews with representatives from local and national institutions in Turkey and EU institutions in Brussels, this work evaluates six SNAs from three Turkish cities (?zmir, Samsun and Diyarbak?r) between 1999 and 2013. Findings reveal that patterns of subnational mobilisation can vary significantly within a single candidate country, owing mostly to organizational-level factors and region-specific factors related to how particular administrations are embedded.     

State Transitions from Rigidity to Fragility and Failure: The Case of Middle East and North Africa

ABSTRACT

The taxonomy of the state’s effective governance capacity present in the literature is evolving around state fragility. However, this article argues that a state moves along the state transition curve, resulting in governance capacity variations over time. It begins as a fragile state, consolidating to becoming a vibrant state, only to embark, eventually, on a downward trajectory through phases of rigidity, decaying, and fragility, before becoming a failed state. About one-third of MENA (Middle East and North Africa) countries are either fragile or failed states. Only technological change and knowledge accumulation and diffusion can shift this curve upward, thereby increasing a state’s effective governance capacity.     

The influence of emotional intelligence on leadership styles: A profile of executives in ASEZA organization

This article reports new insight into the relationship between emotional intelligence (EI) dimensions and leadership style at the Aqaba Special Economic Zone Authority (ASEZA). Multiple regression results have revealed a negative significant association between EI and leadership style in three major dimensions of EI, namely, self‐awareness, motivation, and empathy. Stepwise regression analysis revealed a significant positive association of self‐regulation and social skills dimensions on ASEZA's leadership style. Results further indicated that there are no significant differences between the dimensions of EI and demographic factors as well as between leadership and undertaken demographic factors. However, no research has focused on the relationship between EI and leadership style in ASEZA‐Jordan context. The current research identified this gap in the literature by connecting leadership through EI. Implications are that leaders lacking all or some EI dimensions are less likely to have a healthy relationship with their subordinates and are likely to be classified as being ineffective leaders. Organizations could benefit from being able to differentiate ineffective leaders from leaders who suffer from some or all EI dimensions. Therefore, the lack of some major EI dimensions in an organization like ASEZA negatively influences its competitive advantage as well as its performance.     

The impact of interest rate on the demand for credit in Ghana

This article investigates the impact of financial liberalization on the demand for credit in Ghana. It contributes by making suggestions pertaining to questions on the effectiveness of interest rate liberalization in driving private sector demand for credit both in the short and the long‐run, as well as the speed of adjustments to equilibrium after the implementation of the financial liberalization programme. The study results indicate that interest rate has no significant impact on the demand for credit both in the short‐run and long‐run. Moreover, inflation has a negative significant effect on the demand for credit in the short‐run. The results also suggest that about 66% of disequilibrium from the preceding year is corrected in the current year. However, these findings seem to indicates that the financial market in Ghana is not fully competitive. The oligopolistic and noncompetitive financial system may be attributable to the extreme minimum capital requirement and the emerging consolidation of commercial banks through government takeovers as well as the various credit rationing practices by banks aimed at reducing the risk of adverse selection and insolvency.     

Dark side of social media and academic performance of public sector schools students: Role of parental school support

Students are regularly engaged in several things at the same time during class and school time. They are using smartphones, tablets, laptops, and using social media on these devices while learning and attending class. However, there are some situations likely influenced by this, current study tests the influence of technostress, cyberbullying, and media multitasking in the context of students in technology‐saturated classrooms and how this is affecting their academic performance. This study further explored the buffering effects of parental school support on the relationship between technostress, cyberbullying, and student's performance. By using the person‐environment fit model, this study surveyed 248 public sector school students in two waves and examined the impact of these variables on student's academic performance. Results show that technostress, cyberbullying, and media multitasking have a negative impact on student performance, and school parental support moderates the negative relationship between technostress and student performance. Implications and contributions have also been discussed.     

From Consensus to Dissensus: The Politics of Anti-austerity Activism in London and Its Relationship to Voluntary Organizations

This article examines how activism against austerity is organized and manifested in London. Given that anti-austerity activists are addressing issues related to social welfare, we examine whether there are alliances between the activists and voluntary organizations (VOs) that are working in that field. Examining the challenges involved in creating and sustaining alliances, we argue that the regulatory context alone is an insufficient explanation as to why activist–VO alliances are difficult to establish and maintain. We contend that more significantly, it is VOs’ and activists’ divergent and at times irreconcilable stances, which we refer to as the consensus and dissensus stances, respectively, which impede activist–VO alliances, beyond episodic interactions, from developing.     

The Theory of Retroactivism: Arab Resistance to Educational and Technological Progress

The article examines the reluctance of Arab culture to ‘Western’ ideas of education and technology. It, first, establishes a conceptual framework for those cultures dominated by ‘retroactivism’—a school of thought that advocates a return to traditions and argues against progressive innovation. The article then puts this framework into practice, addressing the research question: In what instances, if any, do retroactivists accept educational and technological progress? This question was answered by first examining the ways in which a retroactivistic culture approached educational and technological progress. This examination helped generate a timeline of attempts to introduce educational and technological innovations into Arab culture. This timeline shows that Arab culture resists innovation in all its various forms and therefore sustains a retroactivism-dominated way of life. Retroactivists believe in what ‘renewism’ or ‘revivalism’: referring to movements that emerge from time to time throughout history that issue appeals to adhere to old norms and values, using strategies to remind society of the need to return to past ideologies. This means that, although retroactivistic cultures might accept certain innovations, there can occasionally be ‘renewistic movements’ that seek to bring society back to old times, thereby seeking to (peacefully or violently) undermine or eliminate existing innovations.