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排序方式: 共有252条查询结果,搜索用时 265 毫秒
151.
Sigrid Stöckel 《The History of the Family》2013,18(4):601-616
The fight against infant mortality followed the guidelines of “hygiene” and their modifications into social, racial, and national hygiene. In Berlin, the campaign to promote infant hygiene began in 1904, when the municipal authorities started to create infant care centers tentatively under the auspices of a charitable association. During and after the First World War, the authorities expanded this campaign to reflect a growing commitment to the principles of social and racial hygiene, which aimed both to improve social conditions that worked against the health of children and to strengthen the constitution of the race. While racial hygienists feared that social measures for the weak would promote degeneration by encouraging their survival, social hygienists argued that it was impossible to distinguish between “fit” and “unfit” in early childhood, and eugenics became increasingly important. Social hygiene as a means of prevention was reduced to a “systematical registration” of the more or less fit individuals. This development and the eugenic background of infant care created a link to the concept of selection in Nazi Germany. 相似文献
152.
153.
Stöberl 《Juristische Bl?tter》2011,133(5):337-337
Eine Verhandlung darf vor dem UVS nur dann in Abwesenheit des Beschuldigten durchgeführt werden, wenn (auch) die Bestimmungen
des § 41 Abs 3 VStG eingehalten wurden. Erfolgt die Zustellung der Ladung zur Verhandlung nicht zu eigenen Handen, sondern
mit Telefax, ist die Durchführung der Verhandlung in Abwesenheit des Beschuldigten unzul?ssig. 相似文献
154.
St?berl 《Juristische Bl?tter》2011,133(1):66-68
Zwischen einem rechtskr?ftigen wasserpolizeilichen Auftrag nach § 138 Abs 2 WRG und einem Antrag auf Bewilligung desselben
Vorhabens liegt hinsichtlich der Frage der Bewilligungspflicht Identit?t der Sache vor. Ein solcher wasserpolizeilicher Auftrag
spricht über die wasserrechtliche Bewilligungspflicht desselben Vorhabens ab. Daraus folgt, dass die Bewilligungsbeh?rde an
die dem Alternativauftrag nach § 138 Abs 2 WRG zugrunde liegende Beurteilung des Vorhabens als bewilligungspflichtig gebunden
ist. Dies allerdings nur dann, wenn sich seit dem wasserpolizeilichen Auftrag weder die Rechtslage noch der wesentliche Sachverhalt
ge?ndert hat. 相似文献
155.
Lars Fredrik Stöcker 《Journal of Baltic studies》2017,48(2):109-133
The Estonian dissidents’ Memorandum to the United Nations, drafted as a call for national self-determination in 1972, set new standards for the émigré community’s campaigns. Although its political message was initially dismissed as utopian, the subsequently emerging cooperation between émigré and homeland activists via intricate courier networks significantly strengthened the authority of Estonian voices in the West. By the early 1980s, the political alliances across the Iron Curtain eventually bore fruit. The Memorandum’s core demands reappeared in political debates on Baltic issues on both sides of the Atlantic, foreshadowing the massive Western support for the Baltic cause during the Singing Revolutions. 相似文献
156.
Serdal Ozusaglam Stéphane Robin Chee Yew Wong 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》2018,43(5):1318-1345
Environmental management standards (EMS) are important voluntary management tools that aim at reducing the environmental impact of firms’ activities. From ethical motivations through increasingly high pressure from regulatory authorities to expected financial returns, reasons to adopt an EMS are manifold. While they all certainly matter, it is still unclear from the literature which firm-specific organisational capabilities and structural characteristics significantly drive adoption. Using Propensity Score Matching (PSM) on two samples of French firms, we identify firm-specific factors associated with the early or late adoption of ISO 14001-type EMS and we test whether adoption increases labour productivity. We find that adopters are moderately large manufacturing firms that rely on ISO 9001 standards or Total Quality Management. In addition, according to the first sample, early adopters tend to be more technologically complex firms that are active in the European market. These differences are attenuated in the second sample, which may be biased towards more innovative firms. Both samples however concur with the conclusion that, whether early or late, adoption is associated with a higher labour productivity compared to non-adoption. This result still holds when we use fully interacted linear models instead of PSM, and seems to be consistent over time. Thus, implementing EMS might provide win–win opportunities to adopters, without giving any premium to “early birds”. 相似文献
157.
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159.
Malte Johnsson Benny Andersson Märta Wallinius Björn Hofvander Ola Ståhlberg Henrik Anckarsäter 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2014,25(2):212-223
Offenders with high psychopathic traits and/or antisocial personality disorder (ASPD) are hypothesised to experience less guilt and less responsibility for their actions than offenders without these problems. These hypotheses were tested and partly substantiated. The study investigates blame attributions and guilt feeling using Gudjonsson Blame Attribution Inventory–Revised (GBAI-R) for 177 young male violent offenders. GBAI scores were compared to ASPD and psychopathy according to the Psychopathy Checklist–Revised. Results showed that individuals with ASPD and those with higher degrees of psychopathy tended to report significantly less guilt and higher degree of mental control than other subjects. Another finding was a weak relationship between ASPD, high scores on psychopathic traits and external attribution. We suggest these results might be explained by admitting poor mental control may be extra difficult for individuals belonging to either of these groups and that the external attribution items do not separate causal from moral responsibility. 相似文献
160.
Stéfanie von Hlatky 《European Security》2014,23(1):1-14
This article discusses the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) debate regarding American nonstrategic nuclear weapons (NSNW) in Europe, given the broad spectrum of views on nuclear issues when comparing individual member states. What is striking is the gap between public attitudes – which are broadly hostile to keeping NSNW in Europe – and elite opinion, which privileges the maintenance of NATO commitments to preserve alliance cohesion. To better understand this tension, this article dissects the elements of extended nuclear deterrence in Europe, addressing the difficulties associated with current nuclear-sharing arrangements. For some NATO states, the alliance's nuclear weapons are a political liability, since nuclear sharing clashes with international disarmament and nonproliferation commitments. For other NATO members, maintaining the status quo is preferable, as long as there is no alliance-wide consensus on the question of NSNW. These debates have been put to rest, for now, with NATO's Deterrence and Defense Posture Review, which reaffirmed the purpose of the alliance's nuclear weapons. However, these divisive debates point to more fundamental issues in alliance management, namely the credibility of American commitments, the sustainability of extended nuclear deterrence in Europe and the inevitable political tensions these questions provoke at the domestic level for NATO allies. 相似文献