全文获取类型
收费全文 | 374篇 |
免费 | 15篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 29篇 |
工人农民 | 2篇 |
世界政治 | 41篇 |
外交国际关系 | 22篇 |
法律 | 194篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 95篇 |
综合类 | 4篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2022年 | 6篇 |
2021年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 9篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 17篇 |
2017年 | 21篇 |
2016年 | 17篇 |
2015年 | 19篇 |
2014年 | 20篇 |
2013年 | 59篇 |
2012年 | 17篇 |
2011年 | 15篇 |
2010年 | 14篇 |
2009年 | 14篇 |
2008年 | 22篇 |
2007年 | 16篇 |
2006年 | 17篇 |
2005年 | 11篇 |
2004年 | 13篇 |
2003年 | 16篇 |
2002年 | 9篇 |
2001年 | 9篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1970年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有389条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
61.
Sergiu Gherghina Laurentiu Stefan Mihail Chiru 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(3):351-369
Drawing on an original parliamentary survey, an analysis is undertaken of what motivates MPs elected in a closed proportional representation (PR) setting to consider changing this electoral system. Moves in this direction are quite rare and for this reason a case study of Romanian parliamentarians is proposed. Bivariate and multivariate statistical techniques are used to assess the impact of both power maximisation incentives and values. The main findings indicate that MPs were willing to replace the closed-list PR with a single member district alternative only when they perceived clear benefits for them (that is, re-election) or their party (that is, a positive impact, either at intra-party level or within the party system). These self-interested motivations are prioritised over nomination-related reasons and the possibility of a constituency-centred focus of representation. 相似文献
62.
Stefan Schindler Akinyele O. Umoja Karen Rosenberg Isaac Saney Frank Rosengarten 《Socialism and Democracy》2013,27(1):109-134
Mike Marqusee, REDEMPTION SONG: MUHAMMAD ALI AND THE SPIRIT OF THE SIXTIES (Verso Books, 1999) Marilyn Buck, David Gilbert, and Laura Whitehorn, ENEMIES OF THE STATE, (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Resistance in Brooklyn Publication, 1998). Meyer, c/o WRL, 339 Lafayette Street, NY 10012 or mmmsrnb@igc.org. Viviane Forrester, THE ECONOMIC HORROR (Cambridge, UK: The Polity Press [in association with Oxford, UK, and Maiden, Mass.: Blackwell Publishers], 1999). Peter Roman, PEOPLE'S POWER: CUBA'S EXPERIENCE WITH REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT (Boulder: Westview Press, 1999). Stanislao G. Pugliese, CARLO ROSSELLI: SOCIALIST HERETIC AND ANTIFASCIST EXILE (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999). 相似文献
63.
64.
Arne Bigsten Paul Collier Stefan Dercon Marcel Fafchamps Bernard Gauthier Jan Willem Gunning 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(3):115-141
We use firm-level panel data for the manufacturing sector in four African countries to investigate whether exporting impacts on efficiency, and whether efficient firms self-select into the export market. Based on simultaneous estimation of a production function and an export regression, our preferred results indicate significant efficiency gains from exporting, which can be interpreted as learning by exporting. We show that modelling unobserved heterogeneity by a flexible approach is important for deriving this conclusion. A policy implication of our results is that Africa would gain from orientating its manufacturing sector towards exporting. 相似文献
65.
Stefan Voigt 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(8):1225-1248
Over the last two decades, many developing countries have introduced competition policies. This paper introduces four new indicators on various aspects of competition laws and competition agencies to make competition policies comparable. These indicators are used to estimate the effects of competition policies and all four contribute at least marginally to explaining differences in total factor productivity. This is also true if developing countries are analysed separately. In addition to the direct effects of competition policy on total factor productivity, an indirect effect is identified: countries scoring high with regard to competition policy suffer less from corruption. 相似文献
66.
We study changes in living conditions using longitudinal data covering 30 years in six villages in Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra, initially surveyed during 1975–1984, and resurveyed in recent years, as part of the ICRISAT Village Level Studies. Monetary welfare indicators (such as incomes, assets, consumption and poverty) and non-monetary indicators of well-being (such as basic literacy, education, health and subjective well-being) have improved considerably. Consumption growth is linked to literacy and education at baseline. Other assets, such as land, have a neglible impact, suggesting that labour and human capital have been instrumental for growth in these villages.Change involved a large increase in various off-farm activities. 相似文献
67.
This article introduces the special section on the making and remaking of agro-industries in Africa. It examines what the contributions tell us about how agro-industries work, but also why national industries work the way they do, how they came to be that way and what factors and forces drive or hinder their dynamism. 相似文献
68.
Stefan G. Kertesz Michael A. Posner James J. O'Connell Stacy Swain Ashley N. Mullins Michael Shwartz 《Journal of prevention & intervention in the community》2013,41(2):129-142
Medical respite programs offer medical, nursing, and other care as well as accommodation for homeless persons discharged from acute hospital stays. They represent a community-based adaptation of urban health systems to the specific needs of homeless persons. This article examines whether post-hospital discharge to a homeless medical respite program was associated with a reduced chance of 90-day readmission compared to other disposition options. Adjusting for imbalances in patient characteristics using propensity scores, respite patients were the only group that was significantly less likely to be readmitted within 90 days compared to those released to Own Care. Respite programs merit attention as a potentially efficacious service for homeless persons leaving the hospital. 相似文献
69.
70.
Stefan Andreasson 《Democratization》2013,20(2):303-322
Post-apartheid South Africa is characterized by centralized, neo-liberal policymaking that perpetuates, and in some cases exaggerates, socio-economic inequalities inherited from the apartheid era. The African National Congress (ANC) leadership's alignment with powerful international and domestic market actors produces tensions within the Tripartite Alliance and between government and civil society. Consequently, several characteristics of ‘predatory liberalism’ are evident in contemporary South Africa: neo-liberal restructuring of the economy is combined with an increasing willingness by government to assert its authority, to marginalize and delegitimize those critical of its abandonment of inclusive governance. A new form of oligarch power, combining entrenched economic interests with those of a new ‘black bourgeoisie’ promoted by narrowly implemented Black Economic Empowerment policies, diminishes prospects for broad-based socio-economic transformation. Because the new policy environment is failing to resolve tensions between global market demands for increasing market liberalization and domestic popular demands for poverty-alleviation and socio-economic transformation, the ANC leadership is forced increasingly to confront ‘ultra-leftists’ who are challenging its credentials as defender of the National Democratic Revolution which was the cornerstone in the anti-apartheid struggle. 相似文献