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Clinical-forensic examination of strangulation victims is an increasing part of the routine of many forensic pathology institutes. The cases examined between 2004 and 2008 at the Institute of Legal Medicine of the Hanover Medical School were retrospectively analysed. In total, the study material comprised 218 victims (175 females and 43 males). In 80.7 %, the clinical-forensic examination was performed within 24 hours after the incident. In the overwhelming number of cases, the alleged perpetrator was no stranger. 128 victims (58.7 %) had strangulation marks, 32 victims (14.7 %) ligature marks and 65 victims (29.8 %) nail marks. Four victims showed injuries of the laryngeal and pharyngeal structures (reddening, hematomas, swelling and in one case a fracture of the cricoid cartilage on both sides). Extensive petechiae were predominantly seen in the conjunctivae, the buccal mucosa and the skin of the face in cases where the victims suffered a loss of consciousness. 87 cases (39.9% were classified as potentially life-threatening and 30 cases (13.8 %) as acute life-threatening events. This classification is of legal relevance for the penalty. In addition, 60 victims experienced sexual violence. These results suggest that early clinical-forensic examination is crucial for documenting forensic evidence in support of police investigations and may deliver significant details relevant in court. 相似文献
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Public Choice - International organizations have encouraged national governments to switch from traditional cash-based to business-like accrual accounting, on the presumption that long-run benefits... 相似文献
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Because of possible contamination of samples with PCR inhibitors and to avoid the typing of mixed profiles the source material for forensic DNA investigations should be collected as directly and securely as possible from the evidence. This approach requires a detectability of the source material which is often not given. The procedure introduced here using selected cases enables visualization of DNA-containing materials on evidence and hence controlled analysis. For this purpose the specimen is treated with ninhydrin. A following dye reaction verifies the presence of biological material, which possibly contains DNA. An impact on subsequent STR-analysis was not observed. 相似文献
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How does national crisis management affect the electoral fortunes of coalition governments? Drawing on micro-level data from just before the 2009 federal elections in Germany, this article investigates how voters' evaluation of specific policies against the global financial crisis affected approval of and voting intentions for the then-governing grand coalition. We find that voters in favour of the two most prominent anti-crisis policies, the car-scrap bonus and the public guarantee for banks, were more likely to approve of and to vote for the two incumbent parties. These evaluations of specific policies influenced individuals' vote choice in addition to their assessments of the economic situation more generally and in addition to party identification. This suggests that even in the greatest economic turmoil with blurred political responsibilities, government parties can win or lose voters through the implementation of specific economic policies. 相似文献
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Martin Führ Stefanie Merenyi 《Review of European Community & International Environmental Law》2006,15(3):281-292
Amidst the debate on risks to human beings and the environment resulting from chemicals being used on an increasingly large scale, the European Community's proposed Registration, Evaluation, Authorization and Restriction of Chemicals (REACH) Regulation presents a new approach. However, under this new legislation it cannot be guaranteed that all problems that have been experienced under the existing EC chemicals legislation will be addressed satisfactorily. One of the problematic aspects is the question of how chemicals legislation, on the one hand, and sectoral environmental legislation, on the other hand (i.e. specific legislation referring to specific environmental media such as water, air, soil, etc.), complement one another. This article outlines these interface problems against the background of existing legislation and REACH. 相似文献
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Stefanie A. Lindquist Wendy L. Martinek Virginia A. Hettinger 《Law & society review》2007,41(2):429-456
In rendering a decision in a particular case, judges are not limited to finding simply for the appellant or for the respondent. Rather, in many cases, they have the option to find for the former on one or more issues and for the latter on one or more other issues. By thus “splitting the difference,” judges can render a judgment that favors both litigants to some degree. What accounts for such mixed outcomes? Several theoretical perspectives provide potential explanations for this phenomenon. First, Galanter (1974) suggests that litigants with greater resources will achieve more favorable outcomes in the courts. Where two high‐resource, repeat‐player litigants meet in the appeals courts, these more sophisticated and successful parties may be able to persuade the court to render decisions with mixed outcomes that at least partially favor each party. Second, split outcomes may result from strategic interactions among the appeals court judges on the decisionmaking panel. Where majority opinion writers seek to accommodate other judges on the panel, split outcomes have the potential to serve as an inducement for more ideologically extreme judges to join the majority opinion. Finally, Shapiro and Stone Sweet ( Stone Sweet 2000; Shapiro & Stone Sweet 2002 ) propose that courts will sometimes split the difference in order to enhance their legitimacy (and ultimately enhance compliance by losing parties). For example, in highly salient cases, where noncompliance would more clearly threaten court legitimacy, judges may be more likely to split the difference in order to mollify even the losing party. We develop an empirical model of mixed outcomes to test these propositions using data available from the U. S. Courts of Appeals Database and find evidence supportive of all three theoretical perspectives. 相似文献
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This article assesses the popular view that currency crises represent a prime example of the constraints that globalization imposes on governments’ policy autonomy. We show that governments in fact have the possibility to respond to speculative pressure in different ways. Whether or not policymakers succumb to this pressure is not solely determined by economic factors but also a question of political considerations. Political preferences, institutions, and events significantly affect policy responses to currency crises. Our results suggest that national governments retain substantial short-run policy autonomy even in highly internationalized policy areas such as monetary and exchange rate policy. 相似文献