No Condition is Permanent: Middle Class in Nigeria in the Last Decade

The economic debate on the existence and definition of the middle class has become particularly lively in many developing countries. Building on a recently developed framework called the Vulnerability Approach to Middle Class (VAMC) to define the middle class, this paper tries to estimate the size of the Nigerian middle class in a rigorous quantitative manner and to gauge its evolution over time. Using the VAMC method, the middle class group can be defined residually from the vulnerability analysis as those for which the probability of falling into poverty is below a certain threshold. The results show the size of the Nigerian middle class from is around 20 percent of the total population in 2012/13. However, the rate has been slower than expected given the high growth rates experienced in the country over the same period. The results also paint a heterogeneous picture of the middle class in Nigeria with large spatial differences. The southern regions have a higher share and experienced more growth of the middle class compared with the northern regions.     

Skill Development and Regional Mobility: Lessons from the Australia-Pacific Technical College

Developing countries can lose part of their investment in training skilled workers who later emigrate. One innovative response is for migrants’ destination countries to help finance skilled emigrants’ training ex ante – linking skill creation and skill mobility. We describe one such project, the Australia-Pacific Technical College (APTC), which has financed vocational training in five Pacific island developing countries for employment both at home and abroad – including employment in Australia. The APTC has attained its goal of skill creation, but not its goal of skill mobility. We offer explanations for this result and lessons for future policy innovation.     

Reconsidering “Piłsudskiite nationalism”

This paper examines the intellectual underpinnings of the nationalism articulated by the followers of Marshal Józef Pi?sudski (Pi?sudskiites), who ruled Poland between 1926 and 1939. Scholarly consensus holds that modern Polish nationalism was solely the domain of the National Democratic movement. Conversely, the Pi?sudskiites' conception of the nation is generally seen as anachronistic, poorly articulated, self-contradictory, and lacking a deeper intellectual foundation. Focusing on the formative years of the Second Polish Republic (1918–1922), this paper draws a link between Pi?sudskiite political thought and the philosophy of the heterodox Marxist theorist Stanis?aw Brzozowski. Re-examining the early writings of Pi?sudski's followers in light of Brzozowski's philosophy, the paper presents the argument that “Pi?sudskiite nationalism” was in fact deeply constructivist, surprisingly sophisticated, and no less “modern” than the nationalist discourse articulated by the National Democrats. In the process, the article interrogates and problematizes the classic “ethnic” vs. “civic” typology of nationalist movements.     

Book reviews

Martin McCauley and Stephen Carter, eds., Leadership and Succession in the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and China. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1986. xiii, 256 pp.

Murray Yanowitch, Work in the Soviet Union: Attitudes and Issues. Armonk, New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1985. 196 pp.

Elizbieta Szczepanik, Republiki Azji Sródkowej. Oblicze gospodarczo‐spolteczne. Warszawa: Polska Akademia Nauk, 1983. 310 pp.

David Berger, ed., The Legacy of Jewish Migration: 1881 and Its Impact, Social Science Monographs‐Brooklyn College Press: 1983. 187 pp.

Janka Kupala andJakub Kolas in the West: Bibliography. Vitaut Kipel and Zora Kipel, compilers., New York: Belorussian Institute of Arts and Sciences, 1985. 350 pp.

Borys Lewytzkyj, Politics and Society in Soviet Ukraine, 19531980. Edmonton, Alberta: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta, 1984. 219 pp.

James E. Mace, Communism and the Dilemmas of National Liberation; National Communism in Soviet Ukraine, 1918–1933. Cambridge, Mass. Distributed by Harvard University Press for the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute and the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U.S., 1983. 334 pp.

Taras Hunczak, ed., Ukraine and Poland in Documents, 1918–1920. Parts 1 and 2. New York ‐ Paris ‐ Sydney ‐Toronto: Shevchenko Scientific Society, 1983. 456 pp., 468 pp.

David Saunders, The Ukrainian Impact on Russian Culture; 1750–1850. Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta, 1985. 415 pp.

J[urij] Bojko‐Blochyn, ed., Ukrainische Romantik and Neuromantik vor dent Hintergrund der europäischen Literatur: Symposium der Ludwig‐Maximilians‐Universität München und der Weltvereinigung der ukrainischen Exilschriftsteller, Literaturwissenschaftler und Kritiker “Slovo” am 11. und 12. Januar 1983. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 1985. 152 pp.

Stephan M. Horak, The Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Littleton, Colorado: Libraries Unlimited, 1985. 373 pp.

Stephan M. Horak, ed., Eastern European National Minorities 1919–1980: A Handbook. Littleton, Colorado: Libraries Unlimited, 1985. 353 pp.

Bela K. Kiraly ed., East Central European Society and War in the Era of Revolutions, 1775–1865. New York: Brooklyn College Press, 1984. 651 pp.

Steven L. Sampson, National Integration through Socialist Planning. Boulder, Colorado: East European Monographs, 1984. 352 pp. Distributed by Columbia University Press, 1984.

The Birth of Solidarity: The Gdansk Negotiations, 1980, translated and introduced by A. Kemp‐Welch. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1983.

Anthony Hyman, Afghanistan Under Soviet Domination, 1964–1983. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1984. 247 pp.

Paul Bödy, Joseph Eötvös and The Modernization of Hungary, 1849–1870. Boulder, Colorado: East European Monographs, CLXXIV, 1985. 134 pp. 2nd revised edition.     

The future UN development agenda: contrasting visions,contrasting operations

‘Sustainable development’ – as currently and politically correctly formulated – provides an inappropriate basis on which to frame a future-oriented UN agenda, and risks perpetuating patterns of assistance in which most UN organisations perform poorly and in the shadow of alternative and more able multilateral and bilateral sources. UN operations should take as their point of departure the comprehensive agenda outlined by the two world summits of 2000 and 2005. This agenda recognises the value-based UN as the only universal-membership organisation, which combines the concerns of satisfying human needs while ensuring security, human rights, justice and sound governance. The post-2015 agenda should not look only at development and environment but aspire to what a million global voices canvassed by the UN in ‘the world we want’ campaign are clamouring for.     

The leadership deficit in Europe

The emerging global order is challenging multilateralism in the sense that power is becoming situational: centres of gravity are overlapping and transient, and the transnational interdependence that characterises this ‘polypolar’ world challenges small and great powers alike. Emerging powers are forming a ‘new middle', straddling the North-South divide with dynamic new multilateral formations, and prioritising economic self-interest. South Africa is at risk of being relegated to a new global periphery if it gives priority to political solidarity with the global South rather than economic pragmatism in its multilateral strategies. Its comparative advantage in the diplomatic arena is its middle power credentials. If it rationalizes its multilateralism to focus on diplomatic niche areas it can enhance its political influence in global governance institutions, despite its small economic stature.     

Saudi Arabia Walks the Tightrope

Saudi diplomacy seems more active than ever. This has to do with three recent major regional developments: the summer 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah, the violent clashes between Hamas and Fatah in the occupied Palestinian territories, and the Iraqi quagmire. In each of these, the role of Iran is difficult to overlook and this is troubling Riyadh. Yet Saudi Arabia has difficulty in responding to Iran's assertiveness: it wants to contain Tehran's ambitions, but at the same time it cannot allow itself to clash with it. As a result, it is treading a fine line.     

US Middle East policy after 9/11: Implications for transatlantic relations

The EU's agenda in promoting multilateralism faces a few challenges in the eastward direction. The Caspian Sea basin, which has been acquiring increasing importance for the EU in the context of energy, above all gas, supplies from the Caucasus and Central Asia, represents a complex mix of states with different histories, identities, regimes, centres of gravity and regional ambitions. Unlike the Black Sea basin, where the EU has developed the Black Sea Synergy policy, none of the Caspian littoral states is an EU member and this has led to a lack of EU interest in and commitment to the promotion of multilateralism in the area. Thus, in spite of significant energy security interests, the EU lacks the will, the capacity or the consistency to address regional security issues or promote reform. Indeed, economic interests are inevitably likely to clash with the reform promotion objective.