全文获取类型
收费全文 | 4807篇 |
免费 | 178篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 413篇 |
工人农民 | 175篇 |
世界政治 | 535篇 |
外交国际关系 | 357篇 |
法律 | 1885篇 |
中国政治 | 37篇 |
政治理论 | 1498篇 |
综合类 | 85篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 17篇 |
2022年 | 16篇 |
2021年 | 30篇 |
2020年 | 71篇 |
2019年 | 87篇 |
2018年 | 145篇 |
2017年 | 141篇 |
2016年 | 161篇 |
2015年 | 99篇 |
2014年 | 127篇 |
2013年 | 799篇 |
2012年 | 134篇 |
2011年 | 158篇 |
2010年 | 122篇 |
2009年 | 153篇 |
2008年 | 151篇 |
2007年 | 177篇 |
2006年 | 136篇 |
2005年 | 152篇 |
2004年 | 176篇 |
2003年 | 126篇 |
2002年 | 135篇 |
2001年 | 110篇 |
2000年 | 114篇 |
1999年 | 89篇 |
1998年 | 93篇 |
1997年 | 90篇 |
1996年 | 80篇 |
1995年 | 81篇 |
1994年 | 77篇 |
1993年 | 81篇 |
1992年 | 68篇 |
1991年 | 71篇 |
1990年 | 73篇 |
1989年 | 66篇 |
1988年 | 59篇 |
1987年 | 45篇 |
1986年 | 44篇 |
1985年 | 48篇 |
1984年 | 43篇 |
1983年 | 37篇 |
1982年 | 38篇 |
1981年 | 53篇 |
1980年 | 44篇 |
1979年 | 21篇 |
1978年 | 16篇 |
1977年 | 21篇 |
1976年 | 15篇 |
1975年 | 16篇 |
1974年 | 16篇 |
排序方式: 共有4985条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
981.
982.
983.
Paul G. Chevigny 《Law & social inquiry》2001,26(4):787-818
This essay reflects on contemporary justifications for the grading of crimes, especially the conception that the gravity of crimes is rooted in "desert," understood to depend particularly on the offender's state of mind and to a lesser extent on the harm done or threatened to society.
Drawing on Dante's Inferno, the essay shows how the gravity of crimes is socially constructed. For reasons rooted in the sociopolitical forces, as well as the philosophy and law of his day, Dante found the crimes most deserving of punishment to be those of betrayal of trust. He conceived such crimes to be the most deliberate and to do the most damage to the social fabric. Contemporary law has found that crimes of betrayal are generally less deserving of punishment than crimes of violence; the essay shows how social and historical forces, including even the traditions upon which Dante drew, have shaped this choice. In the course of grading crimes in this way, the law has altered its conceptions of "intent" as well as of harm to society so radically that the notion of "desert" has lost much of its coherence. The importance of trust in modern society, moreover, has been misunderstood in the contemporary grading of crimes. 相似文献
Drawing on Dante's Inferno, the essay shows how the gravity of crimes is socially constructed. For reasons rooted in the sociopolitical forces, as well as the philosophy and law of his day, Dante found the crimes most deserving of punishment to be those of betrayal of trust. He conceived such crimes to be the most deliberate and to do the most damage to the social fabric. Contemporary law has found that crimes of betrayal are generally less deserving of punishment than crimes of violence; the essay shows how social and historical forces, including even the traditions upon which Dante drew, have shaped this choice. In the course of grading crimes in this way, the law has altered its conceptions of "intent" as well as of harm to society so radically that the notion of "desert" has lost much of its coherence. The importance of trust in modern society, moreover, has been misunderstood in the contemporary grading of crimes. 相似文献
984.
985.
986.
Andrew Stephen Campion 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2020,28(1):47-66
ABSTRACTThis article uses critical discourse analysis to examine how China has been constructed as an existential threat by the United States. Specifically, it explores how US reactions to the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) in 2005 created precedent for similar reactions to Huawei a decade later. It uses these case studies to demonstrate how the interplay between the China threat and security discourses of critical infrastructure has worked to successfully securitize China within broader American discourse. These examinations demonstrate a deliberate and protracted securitization of China by US elites, and they support more critical approaches to securitization theory that emphasize cumulative and incremental aspects over a securitized/de-securitized binary. Discourse analysis of key texts allows the reader to uncover how security issues are socially constructed, and discursive examinations of CNOOC and Huawei illustrate how concerns about national security are now employed in everyday American political discourse so that the China Threat Discourse has become the primary reading of China by US observers. 相似文献
987.
988.
Scholars and political observers point to declining labor unions, on the one hand, and rising white identity politics, on the other, as profound changes in American politics. However, there has been little attention given to the potential feedback between these forces. In this article, we investigate the role of union membership in shaping white racial attitudes. We draw upon research in history and American political development to generate a theory of interracial labor politics, in which union membership reduces racial resentment. Cross‐sectional analyses consistently show that white union members have lower racial resentment and greater support for policies that benefit African Americans. More importantly, our panel analysis suggests that gaining union membership between 2010 and 2016 reduced racial resentment among white workers. The findings highlight the important role of labor unions in mass politics and, more broadly, the importance of organizational membership for political attitudes and behavior. 相似文献
989.
990.