全文获取类型
收费全文 | 66589篇 |
免费 | 3011篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 4457篇 |
工人农民 | 2812篇 |
世界政治 | 5897篇 |
外交国际关系 | 3776篇 |
法律 | 30439篇 |
中国共产党 | 9篇 |
中国政治 | 739篇 |
政治理论 | 20530篇 |
综合类 | 941篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 400篇 |
2020年 | 1150篇 |
2019年 | 1514篇 |
2018年 | 1634篇 |
2017年 | 1933篇 |
2016年 | 2139篇 |
2015年 | 1820篇 |
2014年 | 2100篇 |
2013年 | 10484篇 |
2012年 | 1548篇 |
2011年 | 1634篇 |
2010年 | 1780篇 |
2009年 | 2027篇 |
2008年 | 1687篇 |
2007年 | 1633篇 |
2006年 | 1828篇 |
2005年 | 1721篇 |
2004年 | 1613篇 |
2003年 | 1412篇 |
2002年 | 1469篇 |
2001年 | 1436篇 |
2000年 | 1220篇 |
1999年 | 1112篇 |
1998年 | 1061篇 |
1997年 | 959篇 |
1996年 | 935篇 |
1995年 | 908篇 |
1994年 | 907篇 |
1993年 | 946篇 |
1992年 | 901篇 |
1991年 | 931篇 |
1990年 | 879篇 |
1989年 | 910篇 |
1988年 | 926篇 |
1987年 | 936篇 |
1986年 | 927篇 |
1985年 | 1018篇 |
1984年 | 911篇 |
1983年 | 954篇 |
1982年 | 867篇 |
1981年 | 821篇 |
1980年 | 630篇 |
1979年 | 657篇 |
1978年 | 570篇 |
1977年 | 514篇 |
1976年 | 472篇 |
1975年 | 398篇 |
1974年 | 415篇 |
1973年 | 406篇 |
1972年 | 359篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
991.
Pagani Linda Larocque Denis Vitaro Frank Tremblay Richard E. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2003,32(3):215-222
This paper focuses on parental maltreatment, a rarely documented phenomenon. We prospectively examine factors that can increase the risk of abusive behavior toward mothers. The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between a stressful family situation, parental divorce, and verbal and physical aggression toward mothers. We use a large Canadian sample of adolescents who have been followed since kindergarten. At age 15, we assessed verbal and physical abuse toward mothers, as reported by both mothers and their adolescents. Multinomial logit modeling revealed that parental divorce was associated with a greater risk of physical aggression directed toward mothers by adolescents. Family environment and parental coping strategies partially mediated that relationship. Mothers who divorced, and remained divorced, were at greater risk of being assaulted by their adolescent children. A positive family environment, reflecting a better parent–child relationship, partially diminished this risk. However, support-seeking behavior on the part of mothers increased the risk of abuse, concurrent with tyrannical strategies often mobilized by abusive children. 相似文献
992.
The joint role of self-esteem and unstable self-perceptions for eating problems was investigated in a representative Norwegian population sample of girls in 3 age groups (N = 5287; aged 12–19 years). Three scales from the 12-item Eating Attitudes Test (EAT-12) measured eating problems: Restriction, Bulimia-food preoccupation, and Diet. Girls low on all EAT scales were most often characterized by high self-esteem combined with stable self-perceptions, whereas girls high on all EAT-scales were characterized by having low self-esteem and unstable self-perceptions. Bulimic tendencies and dieting were more common in older groups, whereas high scores on all EAT-scales simultaneously were equally common in all ages. The findings gave initial support to the continuity hypothesis in indicating that the age trends for eating problems, except for restrictive tendencies, followed those of eating disorders and in that the risk factors found for eating problems parallel those reported for eating disorders. 相似文献
993.
994.
Anthony W. Pereira 《Human Rights Review》2003,4(3):3-16
Recent judicial reforms after democratic transition have been substantial and relatively successful in Chile, but much less
so in Argentina and Brazil. This article traces this variation in outcomes to the legal strategies of the prior authoritarian
regimes. The Brazilian military regime of 1964–1985 was gradualist in its approach to the law, and had a high degree of civilian-military
consensus in the legal sphere. It was not highly repressive in its deployment of lethal violence, and this combination of
factors contributed to a gradualist and consensual transition in which judicial reform was not placed high on the political
agenda. The Argentine case of military rule between 1976 and 1983 was almost the opposite. The military sidestepped and even
attacked the judiciary, engaging in almost entirely extrajudicial violence. This generated a “backlash” reform movement after
the transition to democracy that was mostly retrospective and only partially successful. In Chile, in contrast, the military
engineered a radical break with previous legality, engaged in violent repression, but made considerable efforts to reconstruct
a judicial order. It was in the aftermath of this situation that reformers were able to push through a prospective and relatively
successful judicial reform. This article's findings suggest that judicial reform may be more likely to succeed where the prior
authoritarian regime was both repressive and legalistic, as in Chile, Poland, and South Africa, than where high degrees of
repression were applied largely extrajudicially, as in Argentina, Cambodia, and Guatemala, or where the authoritarian regime
was legalistic but not highly repressive, as in Brazil, Mexico, and the Philippines. 相似文献
995.
996.
India has a substantial terrorist problem, especially in theNortheast and in the northwestern state of Jammu and Kashmirstate. Somewhat related to this is tension between the majorityHindu community and the significant Muslim minority. Hindu-Muslimclashes in Gujarat during early 2002 led to open accusationsof government connivance and police partisanship. While theIndian Police Service has acquired a professional elan in handlingterrorism, its religious neutrality therefore continues to bequestioned. This image problem is compounded by a politicalsystem that fosters police identification with the ruling politicalparty. The ambience of corruption has also contributed to decliningstandards of personal rectitude among the higher police echelons.A lack of political will poses the significant obstacle to majorpolice reforms in the foreseeable future. 相似文献
997.
998.
When Does Deliberation Begin? Internal Reflection versus Public Discussion in Deliberative Democracy 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Political deliberation involves both internal reflection and public discussion. The former might be far more important than implied by deliberative democrats' heavy emphasis on the discursive component. Analysis of the deliberations of a citizen's jury on an Australian environmental issue shows jurors' attitudes changing more in response to the 'information' phase of the jury proceedings, involving a large degree of 'deliberation within', than during the formal 'discussion' phase. Various ways can be imagined for evoking internal reflection of that sort, even in mass-political settings. 相似文献
999.
The 'No' majorities in two referendums on European Community/Union (EC/EU) membership have set clear formal limits to Norway's participation in European integration. However, pro-EU parliamentary majorities have tended to produce governments that seek as close cooperation with the EU as possible. This involves a kind of quasi-membership of the EU, particularly in the light of cooperation beyond the limits of the European Economic Area (EEA). The result has been a 'Norwegian method' of European integration that combines access to the Single Market with efforts to 'purchase' participation in other policy areas and adapt to changing EU policies, legislation and treaties. Given the supranational character of the EU's Single Market rules, this kind of quasi-membership goes considerably further than non-members' participation in most other international organisations. Although the EEA system has worked to the parties' satisfaction, Norway's efforts to keep up with a changing Single Market, maintain the institutions in the face of treaty change and enlargement, and accommodate new developments pertaining to the EU's second and third pillars represent considerable challenges to the Norwegian method of integration. 相似文献
1000.
Theories of democratic government traditionally have relied on a model of organization in which officials act impartially, accept clear lines of accountability and supervision, and define their day–to–day activities through rules, procedures, and confined discretion. In the past 10 years, however, a serious challenge to this ideal has been mounted by critics and reformers who favor market, network, or "mixed–economy" models. We assess the extent to which these new models have influenced the work orientations of frontline staff using three alternative service types—corporate, market, and network—to that proposed by the traditional, procedural model of public bureaucracy. Using surveys of frontline officials in four countries where the revolution in ideas has been accompanied by a revolution in methods for organizing government services, we measure the degree to which the new models are operating as service–delivery norms. A new corporate–market hybrid (called "enterprise governance") and a new network type have become significant models for the organization of frontline work in public programs. 相似文献