政府目的刍论

政府，人们对它再熟悉不过了。历史上的许多思想家都试图揭示政府的确切含义。但众说纷纭、莫衷一是。不管怎么说，我们以为政府是依照一定传统并建立在人民主权的基础之上，实现社会秩序、正义和自由的机构或组织。而政府的目的主要有：（1）实现秩序，维护正常的社会秩序；（2）实现正义，维护社会正义；（3）实现自由，维护公民自由。     

领导干部树立和坚持新“三观”关键是加强自我修养

在新的历史条件下,党员领导干部树立和坚持正确的事业观、工作观、政绩观,是保持共产党员的政治本色,践行党的全心全意为人民服务的宗旨,发扬党的实事求是的思想路线,继承党的优良作风,保持党的先进性,提高党的领导水平和执政能力的必然要求.树立和坚持新"三观",关键是各级党员干部要深入持久地加强自我修养和品格锻炼.     

Ministerial Resignations 1945–97

This article reports on data collected on ministerial resignations and non-resignations 1945–1997. It analyses the reasons why ministers resign and patterns that emerge in terms of the types of issues that are more likely to lead to resignation, and variances between different Prime Ministers, parties and over time. It provides the first fully quantified analysis of ministerial resignations in Britain in the post-war period to enhance the impressionistic analyses which have been offered before.     

私营企业主阶层政治参与:价值、限度与规制

私营企业主阶层的政治参与对我国经济政治社会发展产生积极功效的同时,亦带来一些负面的影响.如何进一步引导该阶层的参与行为,规制该阶层政治参与的限度,成为亟待解决的现实课题.     

美国民众对中国台湾地位认知的影响因素——基于美国人对华态度实证调研

台湾历来是中国领土的一部分,由于台湾优越的地理位置,长期受到外来势力的干扰.二战胜利后,台湾问题本来是国共内战遗留的内政问题,但由于美国的多方阻挠,台湾问题成为中美关系中最敏感的问题之一.自中国恢复联合国合法席位以及中美建交以后,包括美国在内的绝大部分国家都承认“台湾是中国的一部分”.中美关系下的台湾问题经历了中美对峙、中美建交、冷战后和9·11后以后,美国民众到底是如何认识中国台湾问题的?本文采用logistic模型,利用美国人对华态度实证调研的数据,全面解读美国民众如何看待中国台湾,并从中了解哪些因素影响美国民众对中国台湾地位的认识.     

对推行工资集体协商制度有关问题的思考

“推动企业建立工资集体协商制度”在我国已上升为政府层面的具体要求，全面推行工资集体协商制度已势在必行。但是，通过对这一制度在我国的实践，仍存在一些需要解决的问题。如果不引起重视，加以解决，将会影响到我国全面推行工资集体协商制度的进程。     

中美关系进入战略性相互适应的新阶段

2005年以来,中美高层互访和美国高官访华次数明显增加,表明中美关系进入一个战略性相互适应的新阶段。     

我国公安应用型反恐人才培养模式研究

反恐应用型人才培养是反恐战略体系中的重要一环。应用型反恐人才培养模式在培养目标和层次、培养规格、专业设置、课程模式、教学方法及师资队伍等方面具有独特性。公安院校应当构建具有中国公安特色的反恐应用型人才培养的基本模式。     

International Relations Theory and the Second Korean War

Ever since the first Korean war in 1950, scholars and policymakers have been predicting a second one, started by an invasion from the North. Whether seen as arising from preventive, preemptive, desperation, or simple aggressive motivations, the predominant perspective in the west sees North Korea as likely to instigate conflict. Yet for fifty years North Korea has not come close to starting a war. Why were so many scholars so consistently wrong about North Korea's intentions? Social scientists can learn as much from events that did not happen as from those that did. The case of North Korea provides a window with which to examine these theories of conflict initiation, and reveals how the assumptions underlying these theories can become mis-specified. Either scholars misunderstood the initial conditions, or they misunderstood the theory, and I show that scholars have made mistakes in both areas. Social science moves forward from clear statement of a theory, its causal logic, and its predictions. However, just as important is the rigorous assessment of a theory, especially if the predictions fail to materialize. North Korea never had the material capabilities to be a serious contender to the U.S.–ROK alliance, and it quickly fell further behind. The real question has not been whether North Korea would preempt as South Korea caught up, but instead why North Korea might fight as it fell further and further behind. The explanation for a half-century of stability and peace on the Korean peninsula is actually quite simple: deterrence works.     

改革开放催生了我研究青少年犯罪的经历

改革开放30年来，我国发生了天翻地覆的巨变，使得许多中国人的人生发生了极大地改变，造就了众多的成功人士。他们的成功轨迹，正是我国沧桑巨变之中的一段段解放思想、改革开放的历程。我投身于研究青少年犯罪的经历，尽管只是其中沧海中之一粟，更没有什么超前行动奔走于这个伟大的时代，也不能说自己有什么独立思想。