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151.
Ana Carolina Garriga 《Regulation & Governance》2017,11(2):143-165
This article explores the effect of delays in updating prudential regulation on the likelihood of a country experiencing banking crises, and it disentangles the impact of different aspects of regulation on crisis onset. I argue that delays in revision to banks' prudential regulation allow banks to adopt risky behavior, which increases a country's vulnerability to systemic banking crises. This effect, however, is conditional on the level of liberalization of the financial market. At lower levels of liberalization, banks have stronger incentives to escape the constraints of regulation and to take advantage of regulatory lags. At high levels of liberalization, the effect of regulatory lags is curbed, possibly by market discipline. Statistical analyses on a sample of developed and developing countries from 1974–2005 support this argument and help rule out the competing learning hypothesis. These results suggest that the effects of institutions can vary with the passage of time. 相似文献
152.
This paper comprises two studies which address the validity of the Portuguese adaptation of the Gudjonsson Suggestibility Scale, GSS1. In study 1, the means and standard deviations for the suggestibility results of a sample of Portuguese inmates (N = 40, Mage = 37.5 years, SD = 8.1) were compared to those of a sample of Icelandic inmates (Gudjonsson, 1997; Gudjonsson & Sigurdsson, 1996). Portuguese inmates' results were in line with the original results. In study 2, the means and standard deviations for the suggestibility results of the sample of Portuguese inmates were compared to those of a general Portuguese population sample (N = 57, Mage = 36.1 years, SD = 12.7). The forensic sample obtained significantly higher scores in suggestibility measures than the general population sample. ANOVA confirmed that the increased suggestibility in the inmates sample was due to the limited memory capacity of this latter group. Given that the results of both studies 1 and 2 are in keeping with the author's original results (Gudjonsson, 1997), this may be regarded as a confirmation of the validity of the Portuguese GSS1. 相似文献
153.
ABSTRACTThis article examines Western Balkans/EU bordering and debordering practices through a borderscape method in the context of the geopolitical positionality and (de)institutionalization of migrant housing in Serbia. From this perspective, a new ‘border variation’ can be seen emerging after the securitarian turn, transforming the external borderscape of the EU into a space of circular movement. The article sheds light on discourses, practices and places that constitute these spaces of circular movement within the EU external borderscape. In particular, the Western Balkans borderscape is investigated with reference to Serbian migrant housingscapes emerging at the intersection of state-run camps and migrant collective self-organized squatted housing. The focus on migrant housingscapes points to the interconnectedness of camps and squats in the process of facilitating circular movement by the state, the production of mobile commons as a debordering practice, and the production of visual representations of the external border as stabilized ‘scape’ for the EU. 相似文献
154.
Ana R. Sverdlick 《Trends in Organized Crime》2005,9(2):84-93
This paper will analyze first the characteristics of the Tri-Border Area, and second how terrorists may intertwine with criminals
in order to support their operations, even though it is not always clear when one activity starts and when the other one ends. 相似文献
155.
Political Behavior - On November 8, 2016 Donald Trump, a man with no office-holding experience, won the Electoral College, defeating the first woman to receive the presidential nomination from a... 相似文献
156.
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158.
How can the poor benefit from private investment in agricultural research? A case study from Bolivia
This article evaluates potential mechanisms for facilitating increased private-sector engagement in agricultural research for development and technology transfer (ARDTT), with particular emphasis on Bolivia. It reviews the mixed results of efforts, in developed and developing countries alike, to decentralise ARDTT and to encourage private-sector investment. Potential mechanisms for Bolivia are considered within three broad categories: taxation schemes; co-funding arrangements; and output-based approaches. The constraints to participation in ARDTT by the private sector that arise from concerns over high transaction costs, intellectual property rights, and the legal and regulatory environment are also assessed. The article concludes that compliance, or a hybrid of compliance and a competitive co-funding scheme, is most suited to Bolivia's needs. A flexible approach to intellectual property rights systems is required, although it remains a challenge to identify appropriate taxation regimes. 相似文献
159.
Crime, Law and Social Change - The present study uses a qualitative approach to explore how Portuguese police perceive human trafficking and the individuals involved. Three hundred and twenty-five... 相似文献
160.
Ana L. De La O 《American journal of political science》2013,57(1):1-14
This article reexamines the argument that targeted programs increase pro‐incumbent voting by persuading beneficiaries to cast ballots against their first partisan choice. The evidence comes from the randomized component of Progresa, the pioneering Mexican conditional cash transfer (CCT) program. Experimental data show that early enrollment in the program led to substantive increases in voter turnout and in the incumbent’s vote share in the 2000 presidential election. The experiment also reveals that opposition parties’ vote shares were unaffected by the program. Thus, the electoral bonus generated by CCTs may be best explained by a mobilizing rather than persuasive mechanism. These findings are difficult to reconcile with the notion that the electoral effects of CCTs are a result of prospective concerns triggered by threats of program discontinuation or endogenous program enrollment. Instead, the evidence in this article suggests that CCTs’ mobilizing effects are compatible with programmatic politics. 相似文献