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221.
This article challenges the widespread view that democraticaccountability is unattainable in global politics because ofthe impracticality of establishing global elections. Instead,it argues that global democratic accountability can potentiallybe achieved by instituting non-electoral mechanisms that performequivalent accountability functions through more workable institutionalmeans. This argument is defended at a theoretical level, andfurther illustrated by analysing an empirical case study ofthe institutions through which labour standards in the globalgarment industry are determined. The article first explainswhy electoral mechanisms are no longer a viable means for achievingdemocratic accountability in political contexts such as theglobal garment industry, that are characterized by the decentralizeddispersion of public decision-making power among a range oforganizationally disparate state and non-state actors. It thenidentifies the key democratic function of electoral accountabilityas that of ensuring a reasonable degree of public control overpublic decision-making, and argues that this normative functioncan, in principle, be legitimately performed through non-electoralas well as electoral mechanisms. Finally, it elaborates thekey institutional features of a legitimate framework of non-electoralaccountability public transparency and public disempowerment and illustrates how these functions could potentiallybe achieved in practice, with reference to the example of theglobal garment industry. 相似文献
222.
Sharon F. Terry M.A. Ph. D. Patrick F. Terry 《The Journal of law, medicine & ethics》2006,34(2):408-414
This article describes a model of DNA banking that incorporates appropriate consumer influence on the design and use of DNA data banks. This model values input of consumer stakeholders in key decisions, including contracts between donors, researchers and the bank. 相似文献
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Peter Colum Casey Mark J. Wierman Michael B. Gibilisco John N. Mordeson Terry D. Clark 《Public Choice》2012,151(3-4):409-423
The first Council of Representatives elected under the new Iraqi Constitution was unable to pass legislation required to achieve the political benchmarks set by the government. We argue that the exercise of a qualified veto by the three-member Presidency Council essentially required near unanimity among the nine parties of the governing coalition. Given the policy positions of these parties, unanimity was not possible. Our analysis makes use of a fuzzy veto players model. The placement of the government parties along a single dimension based on fuzzy preference measures derived from party text data reveals no common area of agreement. 相似文献
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Over three phases of regulation, the paper traces a narrow range of regulatory interest in food, focusing largely on food safety and the handling of periodic food crises. We suggest that these crises were early indications of the problems in sustaining increasingly unsustainable modes of food production through global supply chains and that United Kingdom/EU regulation acted in part as a palliative, cloaking the wider systemic disorders. We go on to suggest that, as resource pressures become increasingly apparent in world food systems, a further fourth phase of food regulation will need to pay much greater attention to the resilience, sustainability, and security of food supply. 相似文献
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Terry Newell 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(5):599-622
During the next decade, the effectiveness of government agencies will depend on how well they address major demographic, social, political, economic, technological, and managerial trends which affect their workforce. Human resource development can play a major role in helping agencies respond, but to do so it will have to adopt a more proactive, strategic orientation, expand and dramatically alter products and services, and develop the capacity to use new skills, technologies, and work methods. Choosing among various possible futures will demand visionary leadership in government human resource development. 相似文献
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