Forensic utility of the mitochondrial hypervariable region 1 of domestic dogs, in conjunction with breed and geographic information

The 608-bp hypervariable region 1 (HV1) sequences from 36 local dogs were analyzed to characterize the population genetic structure of canid mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA). Sixteen haplotypes were identified. A 417-bp segment of this sequence was compared with GenBank sequences from a geographically representative sample of 201 dogs, two coyotes, and two wolves. Sixty-six haplotypes were identified including 62 found only in domestic dogs. Fourteen of these correspond to the 16 local haplotypes and were among the most frequent haplotypes. The local sample was judged to be representative of the much broader geographic sample. No correlation was observed between local haplotypes and the owner's characterization of dog breed. A 60-bp variation "hotspot" within the canid HV1 was identified as a potentially valuable molecular tool, particularly for assaying limited or degraded DNA samples.     

Niche parties in Latin America

Niche parties, which have been defined as focusing on a narrow range of issues their competitors neglect, are a phenomenon that has so far been described and analysed primarily in Western Europe. In this paper, we extend existing work by examining the presence and nature of niche parties in Latin America. Using the expert survey data collected by [Wiesehomeier, N., and K. Benoit. 2009. “President, Parties, and Policy Competition.” The Journal of Politics 71: 1435–1447], we show that there are niche parties in most Latin American party systems. Two kinds of niche party, traditionalist and postmaterialist, predominate. We also show that niche parties, despite being defined based on issue-based characteristics, are in fact less programmatic in their linkage strategies than mainstream competitors. Instead, niche parties are slightly more likely to draw on charismatic strategies and tend to establish strong organizational links to ethnic and religious organizations. Niche parties in Latin America are primarily vehicles for the mobilization of group interests. These findings have implications for our understanding of political representation in new democracies and niche party strategies more generally.     

The impact of aboriginal land claims and self-government on Canadian municipalities

Abstract: Local governments in Canada are directly affected by federal and provincial initiatives regarding land claims and aboriginal self-government. Land claims result in new lands being created within or near urban centres, which are owned or controlled by First Nations, either as reserves under the Indian Act or as some form of “settlement land” created by a land-claims agreement. First Nations seek to not only own these lands, but also govern them. The overall jurisdiction of First Nations is still being defined. However, First Nations already have jurisdiction over local affairs on their own land. That jurisdiction is in key areas such as land use. As a result, as soon as First Nations lands are created within or adjacent to an urban centre, the local urban government must deal with a separate First Nation jurisdiction. The issues that these neighbouring jurisdictions need to resolve include compatibility of laws and enforcement of laws, tax-loss compensation and delivery of and payment for local services. There is little or no precedent for how this should be accomplished. The one common denominator that has emerged is that First Nations and urban councils, which enjoy a good working relationship, have all developed ways of dealing directly with each other on issues of mutual concern. Sommaire: Les initiatives fédérales et provinciales relatives aux revendications territoriales et au gouvemement autochtone ont une influence directe sur les gouvemements locaux au Canada. Les revendications territoriales mènent à la création, dans ou près des centres urbains, de nouveaw territoires détenus ou contrôlés par des Premières nations, soit en tant que réserves en vertu de la Loi sur les Indiens, soit come «terres conférées par l'entente». à la suite de revendications. Les Premières nations cherchent non seulement à poséder ces terres mais aussi à les gouverner. La juridiction & ensemble des Premières nations en est encore au stade de la définition. Cependant, c'est déjàà elles qu'incombe la competence des affaires locales surleurs propres terres. Cette juridiction comprend des domaines clés tels que I'utilisation des terres. Par conséquent, dès la création d'un territoire des Premières nations dans un centre urbain ou près de celui-ci, le gouvernement urbain local doit traiter avec une juridiction séparée relevant de la Première nation en cause. Parmi les questions que ces territoires adjacents doivent régler figurent la compatibilité des lois et l'application des lois, la compensation pour perte de taxes, la prestation des services locaux et le paiement de leurs coûts. Or, il n'y a pratiquement pas de précédent pour savoir comment s'y prendre. Le seul dénominateur commun qu'on ait pu relever est que les Premieres nations et les conseils urbains qui jouissent de bons rapports de travail ont tous trouvé le moyen de collaborer sur les questions d'intérêt mutuel.     

Predicting Revolt: Fragility Indexes and the Level of Violence and Instability in the Arab Spring

This article is one of the first to systematically assess the ability of state fragility measures to predict violent protests and adverse regime changes in countries. We focus on the Arab Spring as an example of a situation that such measures ought to predict. Through a variety of analyses, we find that none of the measures are predictive. We then create a simple model using the literature of protest and revolts to predict both the level of violence and the extent of regime change in the Arab Spring countries. This simpler model does a better job of predicting the level of involvement in the Arab Spring than any of the complex State Fragility Indexes. Thus, the goal of this article is not to explain the causes of the Arab Spring, but to add to the discussion of the predictive value of measures of instability.