Issue avoidance: Evidence from the U.S. senate

This research considers whether there is evidence of legislators' issue avoidance, or unwillingness to reveal one's position. It links, for the first time, two important areas of inquiry: legislative decision making and issue avoidance. The data describe senatorial behavior over eighteen years, involving approximately 200,000 individual voting decisions. During that time, senators were polled by CQ after each missed roll call, and asked to indicate their positions. Issue avoidance is a subset of the nonresponses to that poll. A conceptual model of voting and position taking is presented, incorporating both behaviors and intentions. It defines two kinds of issue avoidance: proactive, deliberate avoidance at the time of the roll call, and reactive, avoidance decided on after votes missed inadvertently. Application of the model permits inferences about intent. Proactive avoidance accounts for 12% of nonvoting during the terms' first five years. It also represents 40% of failures to reveal positions. As much as another 19% of nonvoting results in reactive avoidance. A sixth-year increase in issue avoidance is indicated, although not conclusively. The findings strongly suggest that models of legislative voting should be amended to account for both proactive and reactive avoidance.     

The Limits of Judicial Desegregation Remedies after Missouri v. Jenkins

How far can federal courts go to remedy unconstitutional segregation?In Missouri v. Jenkins in 1990, the U. S. Supreme Court appearedto add new taxing powers to the existing tools already availableto the judiciary. By a 5–4 vote, the Court affirmed court-orderedtaxation to fund an elaborate and expensive desegregation planfor the Kansas City, Missouri, School District. This articleexamines that decision, how it developed, what it said, howit was received, and, most important, what its long-term significancemay be. We argue that the "new" judicial taxing authority sanctionedin the decision may not prove nearly as important as at firstanticipated In the long run, Missouri v. Jenkins may prove mostsignificant for the questions about desegregation remedies raisedby Justice Anthony Kennedy in a dissenting opinion. Those questionscould presage a more skeptical Court outlook on substantiveschool desegregation remedies, at least where those remediescall for additional public funding, as well as greater Courtdeference to the outcomes of state-local political processes.     

Judicial Selection: Politics,Biases, and Constituency Demands

The determinants of recent U.S. districtcourt judges and appellate court judgesselection have been subject of much debate,but little systematic evidence has beenpresented to substantiate claims regardingdiscrimination against particular groups ofjudicial nominees, nor regarding the lengthof the appointment process. We study boththe length of the nominations process, andthe likelihood of confirmation andemphasize the role of Senatorial seniorityand agenda control in the confirmationsprocess. We find that Senators with agendacontrol have a positive effect on the speedand likelihood of confirmation and thatnominees from states with comparativelysenior Senators receive expedited treatmentrelative to other nominees. Althoughpolitics matter in the confirmationprocess, Senators are responsive to aperceived ``shortage'' of judges, since theyfill seats faster when a relatively largenumber of court seats are vacant. Nomineeswith higher personal qualifications arealso more likely to experience success inconfirmations. We found no evidence ofgender or race discrimination on the partof the Senate.     

Electing the Leader: The British Labour Party's Electoral College

This article uses a principal-agent model to explore how leadership selection rules affect the autonomy and security of tenure of the British Labour party's leader. It examines Labour's electoral college, which was intended to enable activists and trade unions to hold the leader to account. However, it had the reverse effect, increasing leaders' autonomy. Nomination rules frustrate activist attempts to instigate leadership contests, while a range of 'transaction costs' rule out anything but the most serious challenges to incumbents. The college was originally dominated by trade unions because block voting enabled union leaders to determine the trajectory of contests. The introduction of 'one member–one vote' curtailed the power of union leaders, shifting power mainly to MPs. The conceptual tools deployed can be used to analyse leadership selection mechanisms in other parties.     

Revelation or revolution: a Gramscian approach to the rise of political Islam

This article seeks to conceptualise the contemporary phenomenon of ‘political Islam’, or Islamic fundamentalism as it is usually classified in the West. This paper takes the view that those movements that utilise the ideology of political Islam are not primarily religious groups concerned with issues of doctrine and faith, but political organisations utilising Islam as a ‘revolutionary’ ideology to attack, criticise, and de‐legitimise the ruling elites and the power structure on which their authority and legitimacy is based. Since the one‐party authoritarian state is the norm in most of the Middle East, only Islam has been able to provide the marginalised, alienated, and disgruntled masses with an oppositional force capable of articulating their specific grievances and general displeasure with these regimes. A Gramscian framework helps to demonstrate that these organisations classified as ‘political Islam’, and promulgated by the core Islamic scholars of the twentieth century, are authentic counter‐hegemonic movements focussed on the overthrow of these despotic regimes and the acquisition of political, economic, and social power.     

Kritische Ereignisse,Memory Frames und Protest in Südkorea (1980–1987)

Am Fallbeispiel der südkoreanischen Demokratiebewegung geht es um die Frage, wie sich die kollektive Erinnerung an vergangene Ereignisse (?Memory Frame“) auf den Verlauf von Protestwellen auswirkt. Der Artikel beginnt mit einer Diskussion von Sewells ?Eventful History“-Ansatz. Davon ausgehend wird im zweiten Schritt das Konzept der Memory Frames entwickelt, das der Analyse von Geschichtskonstruktionen in Protestbewegungen dient. Im dritten Schritt werden die Memory Frames der vormodernen Choson-Dynastie, der Nachkriegsdiktaturen und der Demokratiebewegung einander gegenüber gestellt. Im vierten Schritt geht es darum, welche historischen Ereignisse für den Memory Frame der Demokratiebewegung ausschlaggebend waren. Im fünften Schritt wird gezeigt, wie sich mit dem Konzept der Memory Frames der rhythmische Verlauf von Protestwellen in Südkorea (1981–1986) erklären lässt. Die Untersuchung mündet schließlich in dem Ergebnis, dass die regelmäßigen Rhythmen auf einem eigendynamischen Kreislauf aus Erinnerung, Protest, Konfrontation und Bestätigung beruhten.     

Longitudinal Relations Among Depression,Stress, and Coping in High Risk Youth

The structural relationships among risk and protective factors were examined in a sample of 646 continuation high school students. Although depression predicted more perceived stress, it was not a unique predictor of anger coping, seeking social support, or substance use. Perceived stress increased seeking social support. Seeking social support decreased the utilization of anger coping, which suggests that it may be a means of prevention for adolescents. Anger coping behaviors were implicated as being significant in sustaining depression and perceived stress, and in increasing hard drug use over time. Moderation analysis indicated that although there was no difference in the stress–coping–depression relationship between Latinos and Caucasians, the relationship among perceived stress, anger coping, and depression was stronger for female than for male adolescents. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed.