Bureaucratic Roles: Political Loyalty and Professional Autonomy*

Political leaders in many countries have experienced growing problems of capacity in the postwar period, a development leading to an increase in the delegation of authority to public administration and civil servants. This delegation of authority creates a significant potential for discretionary decision-making authority on the part of public bureaucrats. One way of studying how bureaucrats handle this situation is to focus upon bureaucratic roles. Bureaucratic roles traditionally contain both political and professional norms. This article discusses how these political and professional considerations can be defined and how these norms are balanced given the potential for conflict which is present. The discussion is illustrated by measuring the perception of bureaucratic norms and role enactment among civil servants in Norwegian ministries. Results indicate that civil servants appear to have few problems in attending to and balancing both political and professional role norms.     

亚洲经济展望：一个正待复苏的区域

越来越多的迹象表明全球性的经济萧条很可能行将结束。亚州经济正在为复苏做好准备。一些重要数据显示该区域贸易量迅速回升,有望再度借助出口步出困境。     

Procedural Contexts, Party Strategy, and Conditional Party Voting in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1971–2000

In this article, we provide a critical review of the evidence and arguments about party polarization in the House of Representatives during the late 20th century. We show that inferences about party polarization are significantly affected by voting reform in the early 1970s. We observe that a decomposed roll-call record alters our view of the timing of changes in party polarization and therefore requires that we reconsider explanations of the trend. We revisit explanations of party polarization and establish a strong case for placing substantial emphasis on party strategies in explanations of party polarization in floor behavior during the 1980s and 1990s.     

Willard Straight, The First World War, and "Internationalism of all Sorts": The Inconsistencies of An American Liberal Interventionist

Willard D. Straight was a banker-diplomat and one of the most prominent early twentieth-century advocates of a greater international role for the USA. From the beginning of the war he argued the Mahanist line that American security depended upon the British fleet and in its own interest the United States should therefore intervene. At the same time he perceived the war as offering a golden opportunity for American bankers and businessmen to make international commercial gains at the expense of Britain. In 1915 this outlook led him to leave the insistently pro-Allied banking firm of J. P. Morgan & Company for the National City-affiliated American International Corporation, which was consciously designed to expand American overseas investments. Throughout the war Straight, who died in late November 1918, consistently argued that an Anglo-American alliance must be the essential foundation of any postwar international order — a position also taken by Theodore Roosevelt — but Straight also demonstrated significant and growing suspicion of and hostility to Great Britain. The numerous inconsistencies in his thinking seem to have sprung from the fact that, rather than being a well thought-out position, his internationalism arose primarily from an indiscriminating psychological need to have his country play a great but poorly defined role on the world stage.     

Distinguishing Absentee Students from Regular Attenders: The Combined Influence of Personal,Family, and School Factors

In the present study, the relationship between student attendance and personal characteristics of the student, the student's family relations, and school variables were examined in a sample of 54 high school students. Consistent with earlier reports, t-tests revealed statistically significant relationships between school absence and many student, family, and school variables. The data were also analyzed using a stepwise discriminant analysis. The results showed that the absentee and regular attending students could be distinguished based on a combined set of 6 variables representing each of the three domains of student, family, and school characteristics. The results further revealed that several variables that were statistically significant in the univariate analyses failed to be retained in the discriminant analysis, suggesting that these variables did not contribute sufficient unique variance to warrant their inclusion in the discriminant function. The implications of school absence as a multifactored problem is discussed with respect to assessment and treatment effectiveness.     

Roberts: Public Entrepreneurship and Innovation

This article presents a conceptualframeworkofpublic entrepreneurship. Public entrepreneurship is defined as the generation ofa novel or innuuative idea and the design and implementation of the innovative idea into publicsector practice. The conceptualfiamework is used to distinguish between public entrepreneurs and other actors in the policy process, and to clarify the differences between policy, political, executive, and bureaucratic entrepreneurs. Taking a functionalist perspective, the article difmentintes between individual and coZkctiue entrepreneurship and ginezates pmpaitims to move us cher to a theory of public entrepreneurship.     

Symptoms of depression in adolescence: A comparison of Anglo,African, and Hispanic Americans

This research investigated differences in prevalence of depressive symptoms among adolescents from diverse ethnocultural groups. Data from a national survey of persons 12–17 years of age (n=2200) were analyzed, comparing symptom levels of Anglo, African, Mexican, and other Hispanic Americans using a 12-item version of the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale. Overall, the results indicate differences in rates of depression. Females reported more symptoms of depression than males in every ethnic group. Among the ethnic groups, Mexican American males reported more depressive symptoms than other males and the same was true for Mexican American females, although to a lesser extent. Logistic regression of three different caseness scores (16+, 21+, 31+), adjusting for age, gender, perceived health, and occupation of the primary wage earner in the household, indicated that only Mexican American adolescents reported more depressive symptoms than the Anglo majority. The relative risk ranged from 1.46 to 1.83.Supported in part by grants MH44214 and MH44773 from the National Institute of Mental Health, by the Hogg Foundation for Mental Health, and by the Center for Cross-Cultural Research.Holds an M.A. and a Ph.D. in sociology and social psychology from the University of Kentucky at Lexington. Major research interests are in the areas of the epidemiology of adolescent psychopathology and the role of culture and ethnicity on psychological functioning, in particular depression and anxiety.Holds an M.A. in demography from the Free University in Brussels, an M.S. in Statistics from Dacca University in Bangladesh, and a Ph.D. in biostatistics from the University of Texas School of Public Health at Houston. Major research interests are the application of statistics to epidemiological research and clinical trials.     

Fact or artifact revisited: Survey instrument effects and pocketbook politics

Sears and Lau (1983) presented evidence that apparent self-interest effects can be, and have been, generated in political surveys by question order artifacts. This evidence was based in part on a tabulation of published reports of self-interest effects in the NES series, specifically on the political effects of personal financial situation. From another analysis of the NES data, Lewis-Beck (1985) concluded, to the contrary, that personal finances have in fact had a consistent effect on voting preferences, without significant contamination from such artifacts. We here argue that his analysis inappropriately defines the conditions for possible contamination. We first lay out a theory of when such contamination effects might occur. We then repeat our analysis, taking into consideration both his observations and our own reappraisal of our procedures. We obtain results consistent with our original position, although the results are confounded by different types of questions appearing disproportionately in contaminated and uncontaminated conditions. However, the 1984 election appears to be a special case, in which self-interest effects were strong and relatively uncontaminated. We then report a split ballot experiment that is not confounded by item content, and find results consistent with our original position. However this methodological debate may be resolved, on the larger question of whether people's economic self-interest has major political implications, the evidence seems clear. In cases not contaminated by item order, which we would take to be the most appropriate test of self-interest effects, personal finances have on the average had only a small effect on political responses.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1989 annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago. Address all correspondence before June 30 to Richard R. Lau, Department of Social and Decision Sciences, Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, PA 15213; after July 1 address correspondence to Richard R. Lau, Department of Political Science, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ 08903.