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91.
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Städtische Agglomerationen der Schweiz bestehen aus einer Vielzahl von Gemeinden mit grossen Differenzen in der Steuerbelastung, in den Wohnpreisen und im durchschnittlichen Einkommen der Bewohner. Gemeinden mit einem hohen Anteil an reichen Einwohnern weisen dabei systematisch tiefere Einkommenssteuern, höhere Wohnpreise und ein leicht grösseres Angebot an öffentlichen Gütern auf als arme Gemeinden. Der vorliegende Beitrag zeigt an zwei theoretischen Modellen, wie eine solche Situation als Gleichgewicht entstehen kann, wenn Haushalte ihren Wohnsitz frei wählen und Gemeinden die lokalen öffentlichen Güter durch die Besteuerung des Einkommens ihrer Einwohner finanzieren. Die Simulationen der kalibrierten Modelle können die beobachteten Steuer‐ und Einkommensunterschiede in der Metropolregion Zürich gut erklären. Die Untersuchung der Wohnsitzwahl von Haushalten in der Metropolregion Basel zeigt, dass die tiefen Steuern in den reichen Gemeinden nicht nur eine Folge des guten Steuersubstrats sind, sondern auch eine Ursache dieser räumlichen Einkommensunterschiede.  相似文献   
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All 50 states have laws requiring mental health and other professionals to report suspected maltreatment. Unfortunately, many professionals who are mandated to report suspicions of child maltreatment often fail to recognize potential maltreatment or fail to report their suspicions. The present study examines several factors that may influence identification and reporting of child maltreatment. Subjects were licensed psychologists in the Midwest and certified Masters social workers in Nebraska. Child maltreatment included neglect, physical abuse, psychological maltreatment, and sexual abuse. Characteristics associated with the family or “case” (race, socioeconomic status of family, age of victim, type of maltreatment) were manipulated and presented in hypothetical case vignettes. Characteristics of the professional (e.g., training and experience with identification and reporting, personal history of maltreatment and violence) were also investigated. Ratings of the severity of the potential maltreatment situation, suspiciousness that maltreatment is occurring, and likelihood of reporting maltreatment were completed after reading each case vignette. The results indicate that a variety of case and professional factors may influence identification and reporting of maltreatment. Implications for training professionals and further research are discussed.  相似文献   
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Allele and genotype frequencies for the nine loci D3S1358, vWA, FGA, D8S1179, D21S11, D18S51, D5S818, D13S317 and D7S820 were determined for 310 unrelated Turkish individuals.  相似文献   
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Demodex is an ectoparasite living in the skin as a nonpathogen or a pathogen. It is also known that demodex acts as a vector of pathogenic microorganisms. In this study, we have investigated the rate of occurrence and vitality of demodex in forensic autopsies that have a high risk of contamination by infected organisms. The study, which was cross-sectional, conducted on 100 autopsy cases: 77 of the bodies were male and 23 female. The average age was 41. The samples were taken from the forehead, nose, cheeks, eyelashes and the temporal areas using the standardized skin surface biopsy and hair epilation techniques that were modified for this study. The data obtained were assessed statistically. Demodex was determined in 10% of all the cases. The cases revealed that demodex increased in old age and was more frequently seen in people with fair complexion. It was most frequently found in the forehead and the cheek. The longest postmortem interval in the positive cases was 55 h. The relationship between the postmortem interval and the presence of demodex was not statistically significant. Considering the fact that demodex, which is transmitted from human to human through skin contact, acts as a vector of pathogenic organisms and can stay alive in dead bodies for a long time, we think that the personnel performing autopsies without taking the necessary precautions are under risk.  相似文献   
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Purpose. Evidence has been found pointing to a relationship between psychopathy and predatory violence. The present study investigated the violence mode and its relationship with psychopathy on factor as well as on facet levels. It was hypothesized that predatory violence would be related to the affective and/or interpersonal facets of psychopathy. A subsidiary hypothesis was that sexual offences could also be differentiated by means of violence mode. Methods. Participants were 82 male inmates convicted of a violent crime, a sexual crime, or a homicide. Psychopathy was assessed with the Hare PCL‐R2 and the violence mode was assessed by means of Cornell's Aggressive Incident Coding Sheet, based on interviews with the offenders and a review of the official record. Results. On the psychopathy subcomponent level, only the interpersonal facet was positively related with predatory violence. This association makes sense considering that psychopaths' interactions with others are defined by gradients of power and control and narcissistic gratification, rather than by attachment patterns. By contrast, the antisocial facet was associated negatively with predatory violence. Our subsidiary hypothesis concerning the possibility of differentiating sexual violence on the basis of the two violence modes was not confirmed. Conclusions. The present results add to the growing evidence that predatory violence is related to the personality traits of psychopathy rather than to its life‐style and antisocial characteristics. Therefore, a risk analysis of future predatory violent behaviour might benefit from the inclusion of the assessment of the personality facets of psychopathy instead of focusing solely on the antisocial behaviour.  相似文献   
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An influential literature underlines how much parliamentary communication of European Union (EU) affairs could offer to democracy in the EU. Yet members of parliaments (MPs) seem unmoved by their potential. MPs are strategic about their communication, and this study questions the suitability of EU affairs to their re-election strategies. Analysing the messages posted on Twitter by regional and national MPs from Ireland and the United Kingdom over a four-month period, this article shows that clear electoral safety and strong political responsibility increase the communication of EU affairs. This suggests that the low electoral benefits and the high political complexity of EU affairs are significant deterrents to parliamentary communication of these affairs. As a result, the voices of Eurosceptic MPs echo disproportionately louder on Twitter.  相似文献   
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