The Empirical Limits of Forensic Mental Health Assessment

This article introduces a special issue of Law and Human Behavior, including five articles describing the limits of forensic mental health assessments of (a) risk of violence in female adolescents, (b) sexually violent predators, (c) dangerousness in capital murder cases, (d) child sexual abuse, and (e) PTSD litigants. Knowing the limits of forensic mental health assessment methods is essential in order to recognize their strengths, increase the credibility of forensic mental health assessment, and drive research that will enhance the value of assessments for the courts.     

An epidemiological study on alcohol/drugs related fatal traffic crash cases of deceased drivers in Hong Kong between 1996 and 2000

This study is designed to evaluate the correlation between fatal vehicle crashes (FVC) and consumption of alcohol and/or drugs among drivers. Between 1996 and 2000 in Hong Kong, a total of 197 FVC cases of deceased drivers were investigated. The blood and/or urine samples of the victims were examined for the presence of alcohol and drugs. The 197 cases were then classified into two groups: single-vehicle crashes (SVC) and multiple-vehicle crashes (MVC). Out of the 106 cases for the latter group, alcohol and/or drugs were detected in 22 cases (21%) while the remaining 84 cases (79%) were regarded as no significant finding. As for the 91 cases in SVC group, 51 cases (56%) were positive for alcohol and/or drugs. The findings indicate that a driver consuming alcohol and/or drugs has a higher risk of being involved in a FVC. The most frequently detected drugs for SVC group (11 cases) were: 46% central nervous system (CNS) stimulants (including designer drugs like MDMA); 36% cannabis; 18% benzodiazepines and 9% ketamine. The detected drug for the only case in the MVC group was a CNS stimulant. The number of cases with ketamine, methamphetamine and MDMA detected has increased in recent years as these party drugs have gained popularity in Hong Kong.     

Reviews

Raymond H. Garthoff, The Great Transition: American‐Soviet Relations and the End of the Cold War. Washington, DC: Brookings Books, 1994, 834 pp., $44.95 h/b, $19.95 p/b.

Nicholas Barr (ed.), Labor Markets and Social Policy in Central and Eastern Europe. New York: Oxford University Press/World Bank, 1994, xviii + 387 pp., $19.95 p/b.

E. A. Rees, Stalinism and Soviet Rail Transport, 1928–41. London and Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 1995, xiii + 307 pp., £45.00.

William J. Tompson, Khrushchev: A Political Life. Macmillan in association with St Antony's College, Oxford, 1994, ix + 341 pp., £25.00.

David Holloway, Stalin and the Bomb: The Soviet Union and Atomic Energy 1939–1956. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994, xvi + 464 pp., £19.95.

Joseph L. Wieczynski (ed.), Operation Barbarossa: The German Attack on the Soviet Union, June 22, 1941. Salt Lake City: Charles Schlacks, Jr. Publisher, 1993, v + 339 pp.

Keith Sword, Deportation and Exile: Poles in the Soviet Union, 1939–48. London and Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 1994, xiii + 269 pp., £45.00.

Andrew Baruch Wachtel, An Obsession with History. Russian Writers Confront the Past. Stanford: Stanford University Press (available, outside North America, from Cambridge University Press), 1994, viii + 276 pp.

Beatrice Glatzer Rosenthal (ed.), Nietzsche and Soviet Culture: Ally and Adversary, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1994, xvi + 421 pp.

Max Weber, The Russian Revolutions, trans, and ed. Gordon C. Wells & Peter Baehr, Cambridge, Polity, 1994, viii + 287 pp., £39.50.     

Dominant Party Adaptation to the Catch-All Model: a Comparison of Former Dominant Parties in Japan and South Korea

In the process of democratisation, it is expected that a former dominant party, at least one which abides by the rules of electoral contestation, will transition into a “catch-all” party. A catch-all party aims to attract the votes of all social cleavages and classes of voters outside what would be considered their traditional voter base. As part of the wider debate about democratisation in East Asia, this paper examines how two of East Asia’s liberal democracies—Japan and South Korea, the LDP and GNP/Saenuri, respectively, have adapted to electoral defeat and in what ways they have transitioned into catch-all parties in the Kircheimer mould. This paper finds that while intra-party reforms which could fit a catch-all model have yet to be institutionalised, data from the Comparative Manifesto Database shows that there has been a significant change in which policies both parties promote and that these are designed to appeal to a broad base of voters.     

The Meaning of Federalism in The Federalist: A Critical Examiniation of the Diamond Theses

Language poses a serious problem in political discourse whenterms like federalism come to mean anything, everything, andnothing. An issue of some importance is how "confederation"was conceptualized in The Federalist, how that conceptualizationwas subject to critical analysis, especially in Federalist 15and 16, and how the resolution of that critique contributedto the conceptualization of a federal system of governance.This essay was written in response to a re-reading of MartinDiamon's essay on "The Federalist's View of Federalism." Theposition taken is that the theory of constitutional choice usedto articulate the arguments in The Federalist provides the appropriatelogic for construing the meaning of federalism despite the ambiguitiesof language contained in The Federalist.     

The lightship in economics

What role does government play in the provision of public goods? Economists have used the lighthouse as an empirical example to illustrate the extent to which the private provision of public goods is possible. This inquiry, however, has neglected the private provision of lightships. We investigate the private operation of the world’s first modern lightship, established in 1731 on the banks of the Thames estuary going in and out of London. First, we show that the Nore lightship was able to operate profitably and without government enforcement in the collection of payments for lighting services. Second, we show how private efforts to build lightships were crowded out by Trinity House, the public authority responsible for establishing and maintaining lighthouses in England and Wales. By including lightships into the broader lighthouse market, we argue that the provision of lighting services exemplifies not a market failure, but a government failure.     

Keynes and the Non-neutrality of Russian War Finance during World War One

This article examines the particular methods of war finance that were used by Russia during World War One in relation to the total cost of the war, and evaluates them against a theoretical ideal that was outlined by the Cambridge economist J. M. Keynes. It then asks whether there were any consequences of two particular chosen means of financing the war—the issue of large amounts of paper currency and short-term treasury bills—for maintaining Russian economic stability. The evaluations of a number of Russian and British economists are used as gauges of Keynes's advice, and also as more general comparison in relation to the equivalent policies pursued by other Allied countries.     

Sex and Race: Are Black Candidates More Likely to be Disadvantaged by Sex Scandals?

A growing body of work suggests that exposure to subtle racial cues prompts white voters to penalize black candidates, and that the effects of these cues may influence outcomes indirectly via perceptions of candidate ideology. We test hypotheses related to these ideas using two experiments based on national samples. In one experiment, we manipulated the race of a candidate (Barack Obama vs. John Edwards) accused of sexual impropriety. We found that while both candidates suffered from the accusation, the scandal led respondents to view Obama as more liberal than Edwards, especially among resentful and engaged whites. Second, overall evaluations of Obama declined more sharply than for Edwards. In the other experiment, we manipulated the explicitness of the scandal, and found that implicit cues were more damaging for Obama than explicit ones.