During the last few decades, both policy practices and policy idioms have drastically changed. Concepts such as interactive
planning, network management, stakeholder dialogue, deliberative democracy, policy discourses, governance, etc. have replaced
older ones such as public administration, policy programmes, interest groups, institutions, power, and the like. Although
we recognise the relevance and importance of this shift in vocabulary, we also regret related ‘losses’. We particularly regret
that the concept of power has – in our view – become an ‘endangered species’ in the field of public policy analysis. We therefore
will develop a framework to analyse power – being a multi-layered concept – in policy practices in this article. We will do
so on the basis of the so-called policy arrangement approach, which combines elements of the old and new policy vocabularies.
In addition, we draw upon different power theories in developing our argument and model. As a result, we hope to combine the
best of two worlds, of the ‘old’ and the ‘new’ idioms in policy studies, and to achieve our two aims: to bring back in the
concept of power in current policy analysis and to expand the policy arrangement approach from a power perspective. 相似文献
We empirically test the role of membership rules and voting schemes for climate change coalitions with the STAbility of COalitions model (STACO). The model comprises twelve world regions and captures long-run effects of greenhouse gas accumulation. We apply three stability concepts that capture the notion of open membership and exclusive membership with majority and unanimity voting. We show that exclusive membership leads to superior outcomes than open membership and that unanimity voting is preferable to majority voting in welfare and environmental terms. Our results suggest restricting membership in future international environmental agreements and they provide a rationale for unanimity voting as applied in many international organizations. 相似文献
Public administrators at the local level often rely on citizen surveys to measure the outcomes or accomplishments of their service delivery efforts. However, many remain skeptical about the value of survey-based measures of local government performance, in large part because of the low empirical correlation between objective and subjective performance measures reported in the literature. Using data from New York City's street cleanliness scorecard, a well-established outcome measure, combined with responses from more than 4,000 respondents to a citizen survey, the authors find a clear and consistent correlation between the scorecard and citizen ratings of street cleanliness in their neighborhoods. Moreover, the street cleanliness scorecard is a much stronger predictor of citizen ratings than demographic factors, trust in government, or contextual effects. These results demonstrate that citizen judgments about government performance can correspond closely with more objectively measured outcomes—and that citizen surveys can provide valid and useful performance measures, at least for some local government services. 相似文献
Journal of Family Violence - The purpose of the study is to explore whether the association between types of parenting styles and bullying and victimization are similar across White American,... 相似文献
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Parent–adolescent conflict can be intense, yet parents and adolescents do not always agree on the intensity of conflict. Conflict intensity tends to change... 相似文献
In the present studies, we aimed to show that the perceived procedural fairness of societal actors’ multicultural decisions promotes ethnic minority members’ societal identification. These enhanced identification levels, in turn, contribute to better psychological health and well-being. Firstly, a vignette study in a sample of African Americans explored the effect of procedural fairness climate on identification. The second and third studies used self-report questionnaires. Study 2 consisted of a sample of sojourners in a university context, Study 3 analyzed online data through an African American sample. The studies provided evidence for the effect of procedural fairness climate on increased societal identification, which in turn mediates the fairness effect on increased well-being and psychological health. Societal actors can use procedural fairness to increase well-being when making decisions that involve ethnic minorities.
Self-determination theory emphasizes the importance of school-based autonomy and belongingness to academic achievement and psychological adjustment,
and the theory posits a model in which engagement in school mediates the influence of autonomy and belongingness on these
outcomes. To date, this model has only been evaluated on academic outcomes. Utilizing short-term longitudinal data (5-month
timeframe) from a set of secondary schools in the rural Midwest (N = 283, M age = 15.3, 51.9% male, 86.2% White), we extend the model to include a measure of positive adjustment (i.e., hope). We also
find a direct link between peer-related belongingness (i.e., peer support) and positive adjustment that is not mediated by
engagement in school. A reciprocal relationship between academic autonomy, teacher-related belongingness (i.e., teacher support)
and engagement in learning is supported, but this reciprocal relationship does not extend to peer-related belongingness. The
implications of these findings for secondary schools are discussed.
What politicians devote attention to, is an important question as political attention is a precondition of policy change. We use an experimental design to study politicians’ attention to incoming information and deploy it among large samples of elected politicians in three countries: Belgium, Canada, and Israel. Our sample includes party leaders, ministers and regular members of parliament. These elites were confronted with short bits of summary information framed in various ways and were then asked how likely it was that they would read the full information. We test for three frames: conflict, political conflict, and responsibility. We find that framing moderates the effect of messages on politicians’ attention to information. Politicians react more strongly (i.e., they devote more attention) to political conflict frames than to non-political conflict frames and they react stronger to political responsibility attributions than to non-political responsibility attributions. Conflict frames attract more attention than consensus frames only from members of opposition parties. Political conflict frames attract more attention from government party politicians. These effects occur largely across issues and across the three countries. 相似文献