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211.
Attempts to integrate the two predominant spatial theories of crime, social disorganization and routine activity theories, may benefit from examining empirical relationships at units of analysis smaller than the relatively large units characteristic of most ecological research (cities, SMSAs, census tracts, multiple city blocks). Small units of analysis, specifically, face blocks (both sides of a city block between two intersections) are analyzed in a study of street robbery within a medium-size southeastern U.S. city. Models of street robbery and street-robbery "potential" suggest a crime diffusion process. Several interaction effects between variables of social disorganization and routine activity theory are found, which may form the basis in future research for successful theoretical integration. 相似文献
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WILLIAM M. RIVERA 《公共行政管理与发展》1996,16(2):151-161
Agricultural extension is in transition worldwide. Governments and international agencies are advancing structural, financial and managerial strategies to reform extension. This article reviews and analyses these reform measures, concluding with a conceptual framework that is intended to underscore at once the diversity and interconnectedness of these structural, financial and managerial strategies for decentralizing public sector agricultural extension. 相似文献
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Newspaper Coverage of Three Presidential Campaigns in Chile: Personalisation and Political Strategies 下载免费PDF全文
WILLIAM PORATH JOSÉ‐JOAQUÍN SUZUKI TANIA‐MARIE RAMDOHR JUAN‐CRISTÓBAL PORTALES 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2015,34(4):451-466
We investigate the evolution of political campaign coverage through a content analysis of the topics highlighted in newspapers' agendas during three presidential elections in Chile. Results show an expected increase in the space allocated to the politicians' private lives (privatisation) by 2009, but no change in the attention given to individual politicians' political traits (political competence). Coverage of candidates' campaign strategies had increased markedly in media agendas by 1999, and by 2009 in politicians' agendas. These changes are consistent with some of the recent transformations of political communication in Western democracies, within the framework of the so‐called ‘mediatisation’ of politics. 相似文献
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WILLIAM B. HELLER ANDREAS P. KYRIACOU ORIOL ROCA‐SAGALÉS 《European Journal of Political Research》2016,55(4):681-701
Legislative checks give whoever wields them influence over policy making. It is argued in this article that this influence implies the ability not only to affect legislative content, but also to direct public resources toward private ends. Rational politicians should use access to checks to make themselves better off – for example, by biasing policy toward private interests or creating opportunities to draw directly from the public till. Disincentives exist only to the extent that those able to observe or block corruption do not themselves benefit from it. Political opponents thus can use checks to stymie each other, but legislative checks controlled by political allies create conditions for collusion and corruption. Testing this claim against data from a sample of 84 countries, the results presented in this article show strong support for the hypothesised relationship between institutional checks and corruption. 相似文献
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