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71.
72.
Reviews     
Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant Labourers in Mozambique and South Africa, c.1860–1910 by Patrick Harries. Witwatersrand University Press, Johannesburg; Heinemann, Portsmouth NH; and James Currey, London. 1994. 328 pp. including photographs, maps and tables. R75.00 paperback.

African Workers and Colonial Racism: Mozambican Strategies and Struggles in Lourenc.0 Marques, 1877–1962 by Jeanne Marie Penvenne. Witwatersrand University Press, Johannesburg; Heinemann, Portsmouth NH; and James Currey, London. 1995. 242 pp. including maps, halftones and tables. R86.00 paperback.

Historical Dictionary of Namibia by John J. Grotpeter. The Scarecrow Press, Metuchen, New Jersey and London. No 57 in the African Historical Dictionaries series. 1994. xxvi plus 725 pp. including a chronology, map, appendices and bibliography. $89.50 hardback.

Out in the Cold: Academic Boycotts and the Isolation of South Africa by L.J. Haricombe and F.W. Lancaster. Information Resources Press, Arlington, Virginia. 1995. xiv plus 158 pp. including tables, bibliography and index. $29.50 hardback.

The Foreign Policy of Zimbabwe by Ulf Engel. Institute of African Affairs, Hamburg. 1994. vii plus 479 pp. including diagrams, tables, notes, bibliography and indices.

The Politics of Two Sudans: The South and the North 1821 ‐1969 by Deng D. Akol Ruay. The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala, Sweden. 1994. 183 pp. £14.95.

Namibia's Liberation Struggle: The Two‐Edged Sword edited by Colin Leys and John S. Saul. James Curry, London and Ohio University Press, Athens, Ohio. 1995. x plus 212 pp. including maps, notes and index. £12.95 paperback.

Namibia and External Resources: The Case of Swedish Development Assistance by Bertil Oden, Henning Melber, Tor Sellstrom and Chris Tapscott. Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Research Report No. 96, Uppsala. 1994. 122 pp. including map, references and tables. £5.95 paperback.

Short‐Cut to Decay: The Case of the Sudan edited by Sharif Harir and Terje Tvedt. Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Uppsala. 1994. 275 pp. £19.95.

Divided Sisterhood: Race, Class and Gender in the South African Nursing Profession by Shula Marks. Witwatersrand University Press, Johannesburg (South Africa), Macmillan Press Ltd (Great Britain), and St. Martin's Press, Inc., (USA). 1994. xiii plus 306 pp. including notes, bibliography and index. R82.00 paperback.

Transition to Democracy in Nigeria (1985–1993) by Tunji Olagunju, Adele Jinadu and Sam Oyovbaire. Spectrum Books Ltd., Ibadan and London. 1993. 278 pp.  相似文献   

73.
A growing body of international relations literature examines the delegation of state authority to international organizations. Delegation is a conditional grant of authority from a principal to an agent in which the latter is empowered to act on behalf of the former. This paper explores the effect of agent permeability to interested third parties on the efficacy of control mechanisms established by principals. Our central argument is that higher levels of agent permeability are likely to lead to higher levels of agent autonomy. Because of this, principals who face a potentially permeable agent are likely to delegate more cautiously—partially, in stages, or with clear limits. We illustrate our argument with a case study of the European Convention of Human Rights and its two principal institutions, the Commission and the Court. We find that principals (contracting states) historically delegated quite cautiously to the Court, clearly concerned about the Court’s autonomy. Court behavior in its first two decades reassured principals while increasing the Court’s permeability. Over time, that increased permeability increased Court autonomy in conjunction with the Court’s growing visibility and experience.
Darren HawkinsEmail:
  相似文献   
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Individual states are actively weighing health care reform proposals and their potential impacts on many levels, including states' own economies. This article considers the effects on state economies of two instruments of health reform: employer mandates and cost containment. The literature suggests that an employer mandate will reduce employees' wages in the long run. In the short run, however, to compensate for the costs associated with mandated health care insurance for their employees, firms may raise their prices to consumers, reduce the number of employees or allow a drop in profit margins. By increasing health care spending and the number of insured persons, mandates would also increase states' levels of economic activity. Though cost containment may dampen the stimulative effects of expanded coverage, resources not spent on health care as a result of effective cost containment might be redistributed to other sectors in a state's economy.  相似文献   
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This article explores associations between participation and party voting and a number of socio-economic variables observed at the voivodship level in Poland's 1993 Sejm elections. It further identifies similarities and differences between the impact of those factors in the 1991 and 1993 elections. The regression estimates indicate that 1993 was not a “reproduction” of 1991. In the most recent election, increases in voting participation accounted for the great upsurge in support for parties of the left, while socio-economic factors were of lesser significance. Moreover, a geographical political cleavage, not previously identified in other voting studies, had an important influence on both participation and party voting.  相似文献   
78.
Defining Success in Negotiation and Other Dispute Resolution Training   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
This article describes three types of negotiation courses and asks what range of goals is usually achieved in such courses from the overlapping perspectives of organizers, teachers, and participants. It then translates Benjamin Bloom's categories of educational goals into aspirational goals for any negotiation course.  相似文献   
79.
This paper analyzes the influence of the European Union (EU) through a qualitative case study of child protection policy in Romania. This is a particularly tough case for the growing “Europeanization” literature. Prior research has called attention to several factors that promote Europeanization, including the presence of a pro-reform domestic coalition, the clarity and consistency of the EU’s own legislative targets, a state’s own prior involvement in the setting of European standards, a strong consensus among EU member states backing the European position, and strong non-European support for EU initiatives. According to these propositions, Romanian child protection seemed to provide a worst case scenario for Europeanization, as initially none of these conditions held. And yet the paper shows that substantial Europeanization occurred anyway. We argue that the EU experienced a very slow start with Romania but that it cultivated an opposition that responded to EU initiatives when that opposition took power. Moreover, the EU found three “workarounds” to the obstacles just noted: it asserted legislative targets it did not possess itself, invented new policy tools, and drew protection for its most controversial policy from another international organization, the ECHR. Our central theoretical claim is that external pressure requires internal accommodation in order to have lasting effects. The claim has important implications for the diffusion and conditionality debates.
Camelia Manuela LataianuEmail:
  相似文献   
80.
Democracy is generally beneficial for human rights whereas coercive capacity increases government repression. Using data for 161 countries between 1975 and 2010, I consider how different aspects of democracy interact with the size and scope of a country's military apparatus to shape respect for bodily-integrity rights. Does democracy ameliorate the negative effects of coercive capacity? Or, does a strong military overpower the positive impact of democracy? Multivariate analyses suggest that high levels of democracy neutralize the effect of coercive capacity on bodily-integrity violations. At the same time, high levels of coercive capacity increase human rights abuses even in the most democratic regimes, at least when different aspects of democracy—executive constraints, competitive elections, and media freedom—are evaluated in isolation. Regimes that combine respect for media freedom with constraints on executive authority or competitive elections are able to harness coercive capacity for protective purposes.  相似文献   
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