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391.
Walter E. Hecox 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(2):223-240
Effective exchange rates for exports in Pakistan can be calculated which take into account the major export incentive measures in operation and their divergent treatment of specific exports. This quantification of export policies into an overall measure of the implicit (effective) foreign exchange rate structure permits an evaluation of the impact of export promotion measures on foreign exchange earning capacity. The major export incentive schemes were found to provide the highes’ subsidies to those exports with the highest total import components and the lowest relative earnings of net foreign exchange. Thus de velopment policy in some cases failed adequately to encourage these producers with relatively higher levels of domestic value‐added to export their products. 相似文献
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Left realists contend that people lacking legitimate means of solving the problem of relative deprivation may come into contact
with other frustrated disenfranchised people and form subcultures, which in turn, encourage criminal behaviors. Absent from
this theory is an attempt to address how, today, subcultural development in North America and elsewhere is heavily shaped
simultaneously by the recent destructive consequences of right-wing Friedman or Chicago School economic policies and marginalized
men’s attempts to live up to the principles of hegemonic masculinity. The purpose of this paper, then, is to offer a new left
realist theory that emphasizes the contribution of these two key determinants. 相似文献
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398.
James Richter Walter F. Hatch 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2013,26(4):323-347
Despite their authoritarian tendencies, the current regimes in Russia and China have both actively promoted stronger civil societies. This article explores this apparent paradox for insights both into the meaning of civil society and into the nature of governance in these two regimes. It argues that the social organizations that make up civil society both inhabit and construct a public sphere where individuals assist in their own governance. Recognizing that administered societies cannot compete in a globalizing economy, these regimes look to social organizations to perform functions previously left to the state, but at the same time use similar repertoires of regulation, revenue control, and repression to ensure such organizations do not transgress acceptable boundaries. Still, different notions of state–society relations in the two countries have led to different patterns of social organizations in the two countries. In Russia, a sharp distinction between state and society has contributed to a government strategy that seeks to dominate the public sphere leaving little room for autonomous civic action. In China, by contrast, deeply embedded institutionalized accounts see state and society as overlapping spheres of activity, creating pyramid-like structures encompassing both state-based and more autonomous organizations, and allowing more room for negotiation between the two. 相似文献
399.
Florian Walter Sieglinde Rosenberger Aleksandra Ptaszynska 《Citizenship Studies》2013,17(3-4):464-478
In theoretical debates about the quality of democratic rule, the core question concerns membership, and the adequate constitution of the demos: who is entitled to participate in choosing political representatives? This article enhances the predominantly normative debates on democratic inclusion and boundary making by taking an empirical perspective and analysing attitudes of 16–18-year-old teenagers regarding preconditions for the distribution of voting rights. Based on data stemming from 13 focus groups conducted in three Austrian cities in spring 2010, our findings show that principles related to both competence (autonomy, knowledge) and community (showing concern, being subjected to the law) matter when it comes to democratic boundary making. Furthermore, the study reveals that, in trying to explain the formation of juvenile attitudes about boundary issues, institutions are relevant when related to the conjunctive experiences manifested in the group-specific habitus: while young immigrants argue more inclusionarily than natives in terms of community-related preconditions, especially as far as the roles of language and citizenship are concerned, students argue more exclusionarily than apprentices when it comes to competence-related preconditions, especially civic education. Boundary making affects social groups independent of national origin or citizenship and can therefore be considered a permanent process beyond international migration. 相似文献
400.
Have urban areas become strategic sites for the formation of justice movements? A justice movement is conceptualised as geographically extensive mobilisations that achieve a degree of territorial fixity at different spatial scales. It is proposed that a number of factors can encourage organisations implicated in this movement to make the urban arena a key front in their struggle to achieve justice. These factors include the intensification of urban inequalities, increased political opportunities resulting from the devolution of state capacities to sub‐national levels of government and new actors interested in pursuing innovative strategies and tactics. This hypothesis is tested through a comparison of movements in three different cities: Los Angeles, USA; Rotterdam, Holland; and Toulouse, France. The findings show that, despite the fact that new actors have begun to mobilise in these three cities around justice issues, they have experienced different degrees of territorialisation. The divergent outcomes are explained by the particular state–civil society power relations found in each of the cities. Thus, the paper concludes that, though the factors in our hypothesis may encourage actors to initiate urban justice movements, the degree of their territorialisation ultimately depends on local state–civil society power relations. 相似文献