全文获取类型
收费全文 | 117篇 |
免费 | 10篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 9篇 |
工人农民 | 5篇 |
世界政治 | 11篇 |
外交国际关系 | 6篇 |
法律 | 21篇 |
政治理论 | 75篇 |
出版年
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 4篇 |
2019年 | 3篇 |
2018年 | 4篇 |
2017年 | 6篇 |
2016年 | 11篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 3篇 |
2013年 | 17篇 |
2012年 | 6篇 |
2011年 | 3篇 |
2010年 | 3篇 |
2009年 | 8篇 |
2008年 | 3篇 |
2006年 | 6篇 |
2005年 | 3篇 |
2004年 | 3篇 |
2003年 | 3篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有127条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
101.
Will Morrisey 《Society》2017,54(5):495-498
English philosopher and critic Roger Scruton considers his intellectual odyssey, which has ranged from analytic philosophy at Cambridge to Hegel, Burke, and Plato’s Socrates, with topics including music, moral philosophy, and the relation of science to religion. Providing an overview of Scruton’s philosophic quest, the book shows how its elements cohere and serves as an unsurpassed introduction to his work. 相似文献
102.
This article makes the case that feedback processes in democratic politics—between crime rates, public opinion, and public policy—can account for the growth of penal populism in Britain. It argues that the public recognize and respond to rising (and falling) levels of crime, and that in turn public support for being tough on crime is translated into patterns of imprisonment. This contributes to debates over the crime–opinion–policy connection, unpacking the dynamic processes by which these relationships unfold at the aggregate level. This uses the most extensive data set ever assembled on aggregate opinion on crime in Britain to construct a new over‐time measure of punitive attitudes. The analysis first tests the thermostatic responsiveness of punitive attitudes to changes in recorded crime rates as well as self‐reported victimization, and then examines the degree to which changes in mass opinion impact on criminal justice policy. 相似文献
103.
Courtenay R. Conrad Sarah E. Croco Brad T. Gomez Will H. Moore 《Political Behavior》2018,40(4):989-1009
When do Americans support the government’s use of torture? We argue that perceptions of threat undermine the extent to which American public opinion serves as a bulwark against government torture. Although surveys demonstrate that a slim majority of the American public generally opposes torture, using a nationally-representative survey experiment, we show that Americans are considerably more supportive of government abuse when it is directed at individuals who they perceive as threatening: specifically, when a detainee has an Arabic name and when the alleged crime is terrorism. Given the malleability of public opinion as a potential constraint on abuse, our results underscore the importance of institutional protections of human rights. 相似文献
104.
Coplan Robert J. Hipson Will E. Bowker Julie C. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2021,50(6):1219-1233
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Adolescence is a developmental period when spending time alone becomes particularly important. The aim of this study was to explore adolescents’ experiences... 相似文献
105.
More urgently than ever we need an answer to the question posed by the late Mick Moran in The Political Quarterly nearly two decades ago: ‘if government now invests huge resources in trying to be smart why does it often act so dumb?’. We reflect on this question in the context of governmental responses to Covid-19 in four steps. First, we argue that blunders occur because of systemic weaknesses that stimulate poor policy choices. Second, we review and assess the performance of governments on Covid-19 across a range of advanced democracies. Third, in the light of these comparisons we argue that the UK system of governance has proved itself vulnerable to failure at the time when its citizens most needed it. Finally, we outline an agenda of reform that seeks to rectify structural weaknesses of that governance capacity. 相似文献
106.
Purpose. Deception detection research has mainly studied denials and distortions given by students. This study examined true and false confessions as told by offenders. It was hypothesized that the statement analytic techniques Criteria‐Based Content Analysis (CBCA) and Reality Monitoring (RM) would discriminate truths and lies. Methods. Truthful and deceptive confessions to crime were given by 30 offenders (both women and men) in a within‐subject design. The participants were in prison at the time of data collection, and told the truth about a crime they had committed and been sentenced for. In addition, they made up a lie about a different crime after a few minutes of preparation. The transcribed statements were scored for CBCA and RM criteria. Results. Results showed that neither total CBCA nor total RM scores differentiated between lies and truths. Some individual CBCA criteria, however, showed differences: more self‐deprecations and doubts about own testimony in the told lies, and more unexpected complications in the truths. Conclusions. The results are discussed in relation to statement analysis of offenders’ accounts, individual CBCA criteria, as well as the development of criminal experience and familiarity with the event and setting. Implications for triers of fact and suggestions for future research are considered. 相似文献
107.
Will Jennings Stephen Farrall Shaun Bevan 《International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice》2012,40(3):192-210
We seek to determine whether one of the unanticipated side-effects of social and economic changes associated with the adoption of neoliberal and monetarist economics during the 1970s/1980s was rising crime rates. Undertaking time series analysis of social and economic determinants of property crime (using official statistics on recorded crime for England and Wales from 1961 to 2006) we develop a model of the effect of changes in socio-economic variables (unemployment, inequality, welfare spending and incarceration) on property crime rates. We find that while three of these had significant effects on change in the property crime rate, income inequality did not. We conclude with a discussion of the extent to which neoliberal economic and welfare (and later criminal justice) policies can be held to have influenced the property crime rate since the early 1980s and what this tells us about the social and economic determinants of crime at the macro-level. 相似文献
108.
109.
110.
Several scholars have suggested that policy analysts and policy researchers can be classified as falling into one of a small number of ideal types. These ideal-type models are based largely on analysts' views of their roles in an organization and their value orientations, including their relationships with clients, their perceptions of their responsibility to the public, and their acceptance of professional norms. To determine to what extent practicing policy analysts and researchers resemble the ideal types, we administered Q-sorts to 38 analysts and researchers in three states. In our analysis of the Q-sorts, we identified five types. Also, we found that the analysts and researchers hold in common many views of analytic roles and values. 相似文献