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981.
William D. Wray 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3):51-52
AbstractNoam Chomsky's article on Japan will evoke, as is customary with his writings, angry reaction from some quarters and silent patronizing disdain from others—namely, the specialists. Some will accuse him of ignoring the Chinese case; others, of failing to explain clearly what the pacifist alternative was. Yet, it would be tragic if the scholars in our field ignored the profoundly moral and complex interpretive problems raised by this essay about the responsibility for war. With the perspective of time, and of failure, we have gradually reached more rational interpretations of the origins of the First World War, and of the Cold War. It is obviously time we did the same for the Second World War. In this connection, I wish to add comments both on Japan and on U.S. foreign policy, which, while differing in emphasis from Professor Chomsky's article, are not meant as criticisms of it. 相似文献
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983.
William Pomeroy 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3-4):74-81
AbstractFor the American Asian scholar, the research and writing of Philippine history is still in its virginal stages. Both in the United States and in the Philippines itself the study of that history has progressed little deeper than the officially-expressed record, in which the viewpoint of dominant interests has prevailed. Neglected in particular have been the revolutionary forces and movements that have played such a central part in the Philippines for the past century. 相似文献
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987.
In light of significant conceptual and methodological difficulties that face comparative corruption research, we propose to treat comparative anti-corruption policy as worthy of study in its own right. By using measures of enforcement activity as evidence of anti-corruption, rather than flawed proxy measures of corruption, we endeavor to surmount some of obstacles to comparing radically different political systems. We compare anti-corruption activity in the US and the USSR and elaborate three theoretical perspectives-emphasizing political, institutional, and symbolic factors--and show how each might improve our understanding of anti-corruption policy in the two nations. By applying these three frameworks to the Russian republic, we assess anti-corruption policy in an unsettled, emerging political system and suggest that the dynamics that underlie Russia's anti-corruption policy will more closely resemble US policy than was the case in the USSR. 相似文献
988.
Campaigns are an interactive process in which candidates, outside groups, the media, and voters communicate with each other to create an information environment that allows the various participants to construct meaning and form an understanding of the candidates and the campaign. Presidential primaries add a layer of complexity to this process as candidates and the press deal with both local and national audiences. In this article, we analyze the campaign communications in the 2000 Republican presidential primary in South Carolina—including candidate ads, mailings, and phone calls; local and national newspaper coverage; and network television coverage. We find that there was a disconnect as news media often focused on events and issues that diverged from the messages of the candidates' campaigns. In addition, we find substantial differences between local and national media coverage of the primary resulting from their distinct audiences and the reporters' own understanding of the local context that created significantly different information environments for voters in the state and those out of the state. We consider the implications of these findings for how voters and journalists understand the candidates as well as the challenges presidential candidates face in simultaneously campaigning locally and nationally. 相似文献
989.
William Case 《Democratization》2013,20(4):622-642
In what may amount to a new phase in the study of democratization, assessments of democracy's quality have become quite common. This article attempts to assess democracy's quality in Thailand under the recent Thai Rak Thai government. It begins by enumerating some of the conceptual difficulties that bedevil these measuring exercises. The account makes use of a ‘sequenced’ framework involving electoral mandates, policy responsiveness, and accountability. Analysis reveals a ‘mixed’ record under Thai Rak Thai, one in which the government's strong mandates and high levels of responsiveness were offset by executive abuses, corrupt practices, limits on civil liberties, and gross violations of human rights, behaviours in which many elites and mass-level constituents acquiesced. It shows also, however, that when these elites and constituents sought later to impose accountability, they resorted to direct action, further eroding the quality of democracy. Thus, the article demonstrates too that democracy's quality can be diminished in ways that, far from placating rival elites, so inflame tensions that it can finally break down. 相似文献
990.