Asian values revisited

  With Asia's economy still booming in the second half of the 1990's “Asian values” were announced by some politicians (Lee Kuan Yew, Mahatir, Ishihara, Mahbubani etc.) and contrasted with “Western values”. Soon a controversial debate within Asia ensued (Kim, Fidel Ramos ea..), into which also the western democracies joined. The “West” however reacted rather defensively to the new assertiveness of some Asian statesmen, inspite of the fact that the authors of this debate put into question the western dominance in global value setting which has been in existence since the French revolution. But has this debate withstood the test of time, the challenges posed by the recession in Asia and by the ever increasing globalization? Hardly. The crisis has destroyed the notion that “Asian values” had been the main cause and guarantor of Asia's exorbitant growth rates. While in the West Christianity forms the essential basics of culture, in Asia there is a multitude of coexisting - and frequently confronting world religions. There is no other continent which in cultural and political terms is so contradictory and potentially conflict ridden like Asia. “Asianism” as a concept was surely also intended as an instrument to integrate multiethnic Asian societies with weak internal cohesion. At the same time it served to neutralize the human rights issue. In the meantime the debate has become quieter and more dispassionate. In the developed West the notion gained acceptance to abandon “Eurocentrism”. At the same time there is recognition that “Asian values” are not exclusive. Also in Europe the family plays a special role. A debate on values is needed for societal integration – also in the “West” which should become more aware of the need to reassert the origins of its own spiritual foundations. Following September 11th the west is well advised to continue the dialogue on values with Asia. Update and expanded version of an article first published in: Au?enpolitik IV/1996, p. 326 “Beginnt das pazifische Jahrhundert?” I would like to thank Julia Prati for the translation of the updated and expanded version of this article     

中国的舆论环境与国家形象

“9·11事件”是冷战结束后最具标志性的事件。值此“9·11”五周年之际,《现代国际关系》编辑部举办了“‘9·11’以来国际形势变化与中国外交”专题研讨会,邀请在京二十余位国际问题专家就五年来的国际形势变化、反恐形势、当前国际体系中的深层矛盾、大国关系的调整、国际格局的演变趋势、美国反恐的得与失、美国国际地位及实力的升与降、中国国际地位与国际战略等问题进行了深入分析和探讨。现将与会专家学者的主要观点辑录刊发,以期对读者把握国际战略形势及理解中国对外战略有所裨益。     

中部地区城市化水平对区域经济发展的绩效分析

经济的快速发展和城市化水平的提高是一种双向的相互促进关系。中部地区的城市化发展对于区域经济有着巨大的推动作用,但也带来了不容忽视的负面影响。欲使中部地区城市化与经济协调发展,应当合理发展中小城市,加强产业结构调整,推进城乡协调发展,使国民能在城市化进程中得到更多的实惠。     

叶利钦时期阿尔泰边疆区的政治体制

阿尔泰边疆区当代政治体制的形成始于一批具有改革意识的新派领导人执掌政权。在阿尔泰边疆区政治进程中,左翼政治势力起到决定性作用。无论是边疆区议会还是行政机构,都由左翼政治势力控制。左翼政治势力的代表人物亚历山大.苏里科夫是一个实用主义者。他与阿尔泰边疆区企业家团体之间存在着妥协与合作。阿尔泰边疆区议会的权力和职能广泛而强大,超过了俄联邦议会。议会在地区政治生活中扮演重要角色,甚至能够与执行权力机构分庭抗礼。在阿尔泰边疆区政治进程中,非政党化、非意识形态化以及政党政治让位于利益集团政治的趋势明显。     

人格与财产二元权利体系面临的困境与突破--以"人格商品化"为视角展开

人格商品化现象对人格与财产的二元权利体系造成了强烈冲击,由此也引发了诸多理论争议。当下,人格权观点与财产权(二元权利)观点、知识产权观点,分别代表了在人格权制度内部和外部解决人格商品化问题的不同思路。在这三种观点中,人格权与知识产权观点各有自身的不足或缺陷,只有财产权(二元权利)观点才是我国目前解决人格商品化问题的最优选择。     

讯问全程同步录音录像若干问题探讨

实行讯问职务犯罪嫌疑人全程同步录音录像是由职务犯罪案件的特点决定的。讯问的录音录像在实体意义上是固定口供的手段,在程序意义上属于视听资料证据。讯问录音录像与笔录的同步范围要限定为同案件有关的口供。对录音录像资料的制作必须进行控制,并以相关措施予以保障。     

Race as a factor in university admissions

In two recent cases, Grutter v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 306. (2003) and Gratz v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 244. (2003), the Supreme Court held that the Equal Protection Clause permitted state schools to use race-sensitive admissions in order to obtain the educational benefits that flow from a diverse student body. The diversity-based argument for race-sensitive admissions, scholarships, awards, and other opportunities at universities should have been rejected because it does not consider the full range of costs and benefits and because the more narrow educational effects probably weigh against such programs. However, this does not suggest that applicants’ race, ethnicity, and gender should be ignored. Rather the same consideration that led to the defeat of the diversity argument, i.e., reasoning capacity, supports the consideration of demographic factors. However, attention to such factors further undermines the consequentialist case for affirmative action.